HIS ORIGINAL PURPOSE WAS TO TAKE MR. LINCOLN A PRISONER.--HIS REASONS
FOR HIS ACTION.
WE have just received the following letter, written by John Wilkes
Booth, and placed by him in the hands of his brother-in-law, J. S.
Clarke.
It was written by him in November last, and left with J. S. Clarke
in a
sealed envelope, and addressed to himself, in his own handwriting.
In
the same envelope were some United States bonds and oil stocks. This
letter was opened by Mr. Clarke for the first time on Monday last,
and
immediately handed by him to Marshall Milward, who has kindly placed
it in our hands. Most unmistakably it proves that he must for many
months have contemplated seizing the person of late President. It
is,
however, doubtful whether he imagined the black deed which has
plunged the nation into the deepest gloom, and at the same time awakened it to a just and righteous indignation:--
-----, -----, 1864.
MY DEAR SIR:--YOU may use this as you think best. But as some
may wish to know when, who,
and why, and as I
do not know how to
direct it, I give it (in the words of your master):--
"To whom it may concern."
Right or wrong, God judge me, not man. For be
my motive good or
bad, of one thing I am sure, the lasting condemnation of the
North.
I love peace more than life. Have loved the
Union beyond expression.
For four years have I waited, hoped, and prayed for the dark
clouds to
break, and for a restoration of our former sunshine. To wait
longer
would be a crime. All hope for peace is dead. My prayers have
proved
as idle as my hopes. God's will be done. I go to see and share
the bit ter end.
I have ever held that the South were right. The
very nomination of
Abraham Lincoln, four years ago, spoke plainly war--war upon
Southern
rights and institutions. His election proved it. "Await an evert
act."
Yes; till you are bound and plundered. What folly! The South
were
wise. Who thinks of argument or patience when the finger of his
enemy
presses on the trigger? In a foreign
war, I, too, could say, "Country,
right or wrong." But in a struggle such
as ours (where
the brother tries
to pierce the brother's heart), for God's sake choose the right.
When a
country like this spurns justice from
her side, she forfeits the allegiance
of every honest freeman, and should leave him, untrammelled by
any
fealty soever, to act as his conscience may approve.
"People of the North, to hate tyranny, to love
liberty and justice, to
strike at wrong and oppression, was the teaching of our fathers.
The
study of our early history will not let me forget it, and may it
never.
This country was formed for the white,
not for the black man. And,
looking upon African
slavery from the
same stand-point held by the noble
framers of our Constitution, I, for one, have ever considered it
one of the
greatest blessings (both for themselves and us) that God ever
bestowed
upon a favored nation. Witness heretofore our wealth and power;
witness their elevation and enlightenment above their race
elsewhere. I
have lived among it most of my life, and have seen less harsh
treatment
from master to man than I have behold in the North from father
to son.
Yet, Heaven knows, no
one would be more
willing to do more for
the
negro race than I, could I but see a way to still
better their condition.
But Lincoln's policy is only preparing the way
for their total annihilation. The South are
not, nor have they been, fighting for
the continuance
of slavery. The first battle of Bull Run did away with that
idea. Their
causes since for war have
been as noble and greater
far than those that
urged our fathers on. Even should
we allow they were wrong at the
beginning of this contest, cruelty
and injustice have
made the wrong be come the right,
and they stand now (before
the wonder and admiration
of the world) as a noble band of patriotic heroes. Hereafter,
reading of
their deeds, Thermopylæ will be forgotten.
When I aided in the capture and execution of
John Brown (who was a
murderer on our western border, and who was fairly tried and convicted,
before an impartial judge and jury, of treason, and who,
by-the-way, has
since been made a god), I was proud of my little share in the
transaction,
for I deemed it my duty, and that I was helping our common
country to perform an act of justice. But what was a crime in
poor John Brown is
now considered (by themselves) as the greatest and only virtue
of the
whole Republican party. Strange transmigration! Vice to
become a
virtue simply
because more indulge
in it!
I thought then, as now, that the abolitionists were
the only traitors in
the land, and that the entire party deserved the same fate as
poor old
Brown; not because they wish to abolish slavery, but on account
of the
means they have ever endeavored to use to effect that abolition.
If
Brown were living, I doubt whether he himself would
set slavery against
the Union. Most, or many in the North do, and openly, curse the
Union
if the South are to return and retain a single
right guaranteed
to them by
every tie which we once revered
as sacred. The South can make no
choice. It is either extermination or slavery for themselves (worse
than
death) to draw from. I know my choice.
I have also studied hard to discover upon what grounds the right
of a
State to secede has been denied, when our very name, United
States,
and the Declaration of Independence, both provide
for secession. But
there is no time for words. I write in haste. I know how foolish
I shall
be deemed for undertaking such a step as this, where, on the one
side, I
have many friends and every thing to make me happy, where my
profession alone has
gained me an income of more
than twenty
thousand dollars
a year, and where my great personal ambition in my profession
has such
a great field for labor. On the other hand, the South has never
bestowed
upon me one kind word; a place now where I have no friends,
except
beneath the sod; a place where I must either become a private
soldier
or a beggar. To give up all of the former for
the latter,
besides my
mother and sisters, whom I love so dearly (although they so
widely differ
with me in opinion), seems insane; but God is my judge. I love justice
more than I do a country that disowns it; more than fame and
wealth;
more (Heaven pardon me if wrong), more than a happy home. I have
never been upon a battle-field; but oh! my countrymen, could you
all
but see the reality or
effects of this horrid war as I have seen them (in
every State, save Virginia), I know you would think like
me, and would
pray the Almighty to create in the Northern mind a sense of right and
justice (even
should it possess no seasoning of mercy), and that he would
dry up this sea of blood between us, which is daily growing
wider.
Alas! poor country, is she to meet her threatened doom? Four
years
ago I would have given a thousand lives to see her remain (as I
had
always known her) powerful and unbroken. And even now I would
hold my life as naught to see her what she was. Oh! my friends,
if the
fearful scenes of the past four years had never been enacted, or
if what
has been had been but a frightful dream, from which we could now
awake, with what overflowing hearts could we bless our God and
pray
for his continued favor! How I have loved the old
flag can never
now be
known. A few years since, and the entire world could boast of none so
pure and spotless. But I have of late been seeing and hearing of
the
bloody deeds of
which she has been
made the emblem, and would shudder
to think how changed she had grown. Oh I how I have longed to
see
her break from the mist of blood and death that circles round
her folds,
spoiling her beauty and tarnishing her honor. But no, day by day
has she
been dragged deeper and deeper into cruelty and oppression, till
now (in
may eyes) her once bright red stripes look like bloody
gashes on the
face
of heaven. I look now upon my early admiration of her glories as
a
dream. My love (as things stand to-day) is for the South alone.
Nor do
I deem it a dishonor in attempting to make for her a prisoner of
this
man, to whom she owes so much of misery. If success attend me, I
go penniless to her side. They say she has found that "last
ditch" which
the North have so long derided and been endeavoring to force her
in, forgetting they are our brothers, and that it is impolitic
to goad an
enemy to madness. Should I reach her in safety, and find it
true, I will
proudly be permission to triumph or die in that same "ditch" by
her
side.
A Confederate doing duty upon his own responsibility.
J. WILKES BOOTH.