MOVEMENTS TOWARDS RECONSTRUCTION.
STATE GOVERNMENTS IN LOUISIANA AND ARKANSAS.--DIFFERENCE OF VIEWS
BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.--THE REBELLION AND LABOR.- THE PRESIDENT ON BENEVOLENT ASSOCIATIONS.--ADVANCING ACTION
CONCERNING THE NEGRO RACE.--FREE STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
THE proclamation which accompanied
the Annual Message of the President for 1864 embodied the first suggestions of the Administration on the important subject of reconstructing the Governments of those States which had
joined in the secession movement. The matter had been
canvassed somewhat extensively by the public press, and
by prominent politicians, in anticipation of the overthrow
of the rebellion, and the view taken of the subject had
been determined, to a very considerable extent, by the
sentiments and opinions of the different parties as to the
object and purpose of the war. The supporters of the
Administration did not all hold precisely the same ground
on this subject. As has already been seen, in the debates
of the Congress of 1862-3, a considerable number of the
friends of the Government, in both houses, maintained
that, by the act of secession, the revolted States had put
themselves outside the pale of the Constitution, and were
henceforth to be regarded and treated, not as members of
the Union, but as alien enemies: 1 --that
their State organizations
and State boundaries had been expunged by then own act; and that they were to be readmitted to the jurisdiction of the Constitution, and to the privileges
of the Union, only upon such terms and conditions as the Federal Government of the loyal States might prescribe. On the other hand, it was held that the acts or
secession, passed by the several State Governments, were absolutely null and void, and that while the persons who passed them, and those who aided in giving them effect, by taking up arms against the United States, had rendered themselves liable individually to the penalties of
treason, they had not, in any respect, changed the relations of their States, as such, to the Federal Government. The governments of those States had been for a time subverted; but they might at any time be re-established upon a republican basis, under the authority and protection of the United States. The proclamation proceeded, in the main, upon the latter theory. The President had the power, under the Constitution, and by specific
legislation of Congress, to grant pardons upon such conditions as he might deem expedient. In the exercise of this power, President Lincoln released from legal penalties and restored to the rights of citizenship all, in each State,
with certain
specified exceptions, who should take and abide
by a prescribed oath; and then he proclaimed his purpose to recognize them as
the citizens of such State, and
as alone competent to organize and carry on the local
government; and he pledged the power of the General
Government to protect such republican State Governments
as they might establish, "against invasion, and against
domestic violence." By way of precaution against a
usurpation of power by strangers, he insisted on the same
qualifications for voting as had been required by the constitution and laws of the State previous to secession:-and to provide against usurpation of power by an insignificant minority, he also required that the new government should be elected by at least one-tenth as many
voters as had voted in the State at the Presidential election of 1860. In the oath which he imposed as essential
to citizenship, the President required a pledge to sustain
the Constitution of the United States, the laws of Congress, and the Executive proclamations and acts on the
subject of slavery, so long and so far as the same should
not be declared invalid and of no binding obligation by
the Supreme Court of the United States. These were the
foundations of the broad and substantial basis laid by the
President for the restoration of the Union, and the re-establishment of loyal republican governments in the several seceded States.
Various indications in the Southern States had satisfied
the President that the time had come when the work of reconstruction might safely and wisely be thus commenced.
In Tennessee, where the rebels had never maintained any
permanent foothold, but where the Government at Washington had found it necessary to commit the local authority to Andrew Johnson, as Provisional Governor, there
had been a very strong party in favor of restoring the
State to its former position as a member of the Federal
Union. But in Louisiana the movements in the same
direction had been earlier and more decided than in any
other Southern State. The occupation of New Orleans
by the National forces, and the advent of General Butler as commander of
that Military Department, on the 1st of
May, 1862, speedily satisfied a very considerable portion
of the inhabitants, who had property at stake in the city
and State, that the rebel authority could never be restored.
There were, however, even among professed Unionists,
many who devoted their time and energy rather to carping at the measures which the Government felt itself
called upon to pursue, and to the promotion and adoption
of their individual views, than to cordial co-operation with
the President in his efforts to re-establish the forms of
civil government upon a proper basis. It was in answer
to such a complaint that the President wrote the following letter:--
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 28,
1862.
CUTHBERT BULLITT, Esq., New Orleans, La.:
SIR:--The
copy of a letter addressed to yourself by Mr. Thomas J. Du rant has been shown to me. The writer appears to be an able, a
dispassion ate, and an entirely sincere man. The first part of the letter is
devoted
to an effort to show that the secession ordinance of Louisiana was
adopted
against the will of the majority of the people. This is probably
true, and
in that fact may be found some instruction. Why did they allow the
ordinance to go into effect? Why did they not exert themselves? Why
stand passive and allow themselves to be trodden down by a minority?
Why did they not hold popular meetings, and have a convention of
their
own to express and enforce the true sentiments of the State? If
pre-organization was against them, then why not do this now that the
United
States army is present to protect them? The paralyzer--the dead
palsy
--of the Government in the whole struggle is, that this class of men
will
do nothing for the Government--nothing for themselves, except
demanding that the Government shall not strike its enemies, lest they be
struck
by accident.
Mr. Durant complains that, in various ways, the
relation of master and
slave is disturbed by the presence of our army; and he considers it
particularly vexatious that this, in part, is done under cover of an
act of Congress, while constitutional guarantees are superseded on the plea of
military necessity. The truth is, that what is done and omitted about
slaves
is done and omitted on the same military necessity. It is a military
necessity to have men and money; and we cannot get either, in sufficient
numbers or amounts, if we keep from or drive from our lines slaves
coming to
them.
Mr. Durant cannot be ignorant of the pressure in
this direction, nor of
my efforts to hold it within bounds, till he, and such as he, shall
have time
to help themselves.
I am not posted to speak understandingly on the
public regulations of
which Mr. Durant complains. If experience shows any of them to be
wrong, let them be set right. I think I can perceive in the freedom
of
trade which Mr. Durant urges, that he would relieve both friends and
enemies from the pressure of the blockade. By this he would serve
the
enemy more effectively than the enemy is able to serve himself.
I do not say or believe that to serve the enemy is
the purpose of Mr.
Durant, or that he is conscious of any purposes other than national
and
patriotic ones. Still, if there were a class of men who, having no
choice
of sides in the contest, were anxious only to have quiet and comfort
for
themselves while it rages, and to fall in with the victorious side
at the
end of it, without loss to themselves, their advice as to the mode
of con ducting the contest would be precisely such as his.
He speaks of no duty, apparently thinks of none,
resting upon Union
men. He even thinks it injurious to the Union cause that they should
be
restrained in trade and passage, without taking sides. They are to
touch
neither a sail nor a pump--live merely passengers ("dead-heads" at
that)
--to be carried snug and dry throughout the storm and safely landed
right
side up. Nay, more--even a mutineer is to go untouched, lest these
sacred
passengers receive an accidental wound.
Of course, the rebellion will never be suppressed in
Louisiana, if the
professed Union men there will neither help to do it, nor permit the
Government to do it without their help.
Now, I think the true remedy is very different from
what is suggested
by Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the
war,
but in removing the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana,
who
wish protection to person and property, have but to reach forth
their
hands and take it. Let them in good faith reinaugurate the national
authority and set up a State Government conforming thereto under the
Constitution. They know how to do it, and can have the protection of
the
army while doing it. The army will be withdrawn so soon as such Government can dispense with its presence, and the people of the State
can
then, upon the old terms, govern themselves to their own liking.
This is
very simple and easy.
If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard
all for the sake of
destroying the Government, it is for them to consider whether it is
probable I will surrender the Government to save them from losing all.
If
they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need to ask what I
will
do.
What would you do in my position? Would you drop the
war where it
is, or would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts,
charged
with rose-water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier
ones? Would you give up the contest leaving every available means
un applied?
I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I
can, but I shall
do all I can to save the Government, which is my sworn duty as well
as
my personal
inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with
is too vast for malicious dealing. Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
As time went on, however, the disposition of the citizens
to exert themselves for the re-establishment of former
civil relations increased, and preparations were accordingly made to hold an election in the fall of that year for
members of the Congress of the United States. General
Shepley had been appointed Military Governor of the
State, and to him the President, in November, addressed
the following letter on that subject:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 21,
1862.
DEAR
SIR:--Dr. Kennedy, bearer of this, has some apprehension that
Federal officers, not citizens of Louisiana, may be set up as
candidates for
Congress in that State. In my view there could be no possible object
in
such an election. We do not particularly need members of Congress
from
those States to enable us to get along with legislation here. What
we do
want is the conclusive evidence that respectable citizens of
Louisiana are
willing to be members of Congress and to swear support to the
Constitution, and that other respectable citizens there are willing to vote
for them
and send them. To send a parcel of Northern men here as representatives, elected, as would be understood (and perhaps really so), at
the point
of the bayonet, would be disgraceful and outrageous; and were I a
member of Congress here, I would vote against admitting any such man to
a
seat.
Yours, very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
Hon. G. F. SHEPLEY.
The election was held, and Messrs. Flanders and Hahn
were chosen and admitted to their seats at the ensuing
session, as has been already seen.
On the 23d of May, 1863, the various Union associations
of New Orleans applied to the Military Governor of the
State for authority to call a convention of the loyal citizens of Louisiana, for the purpose of framing a new State
Constitution, and of re-establishing civil government
under the Constitution of the United States. What they
especially desired of him was that he should order a registration of the loyal voters of the State, and appoint commissioners of registration in each parish to register the
names of all citizens who should take the oath of allegiance to the
Constitution of the United States, and repudiate allegiance to the rebel Confederacy. General Shepley, in reply, recognized fully the great importance of the
proposed movement, but thought it of the utmost consequence that it should proceed as the spontaneous act of
the people of the State, without the slightest appearance
or suspicion of having been in any degree the result of
military dictation. He consented to provide for the registration of such voters as might voluntarily come forward
for the purpose of being enrolled, but deferred action
upon the other points submitted to him until he could receive definite instructions on the subject from the Government at Washington.
In June, a committee of planters, recognizing the propriety of some movement for the re-establishment of civil
authority in the State, and not concurring in the policy of
those who proposed to form a new constitution, applied
to the President, asking him to grant a full recognition of
the rights of the State as they existed before the act of
secession, so that they might return to their allegiance
under the old Constitution of the State, and that he would
order an election for State officers, to be held on the 1st
Monday of November.
To this application the President made the following
reply:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON June 19,
1863.
GENTLEMEN:--Since receiving your letter, reliable information has
reached me that a respectable portion of the Louisiana people desire
to
amend their State Constitution, and contemplate holding a convention
for
that object. The fact alone, it seems to me, is sufficient reason
why the
General Government should not give the committee the authority you
seek to act under the existing State Constitution. I may add, that
while
I do not perceive how such a committee could facilitate our military
opera tions in Louisiana, I really apprehend it might be so used as to
embarrass
them.
As to an election to be held in November, there is
abundant time with out any order or proclamation from me just now. The people of Louisiana shall not lack an opportunity for a fair election for both
Federal and
State officers by want of any thing within my power to give them.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
After the appearance of the President's proclamation,
the movement towards reconstruction in Louisiana assumed greater consistency, and was carried forward with
greater steadiness and strength. On the 8th of January
a very large Free State Convention was held at New
Orleans, at which resolutions were adopted indorsing all
the acts and proclamations of the President, and urging
the immediate adoption of measures for the restoration of
the State to its old place in the Union. On the 11th, General Banks issued a proclamation, appointing an election
for State officers on the 22d of February; who were to be
installed on the 4th of March, and another election for
delegates to a convention to revise the Constitution of the
State on the first Monday in April. The old Constitution
and laws of Louisiana were to be observed, except so far
as they relate to slavery, "which," said General Banks,
"being inconsistent with the present condition of public
affairs, and plainly inapplicable to any class of persons
within the limits of the State, must be suspended, and
they are now declared inoperative and void." The oath
of allegiance required by the President in his proclamation, with the condition affixed to the elective franchise
by the Constitution of Louisiana, was prescribed as constituting the qualifications of voters.
Under this order, parties were organized for the election of State officers. The friends of the National Government were divided, and two candidates were put in
nomination for Governor, Hon. Michael Hahn being the
regular nominee, and representing the supporters of the
policy of the President, and Hon. B. F. Flanders being
put in nomination by those who desired a more radical
policy than the President had proposed. Both took very
decided ground against the continued existence of slavery
within the State. Hon. C. Roselius was nominated by
that portion of the people who concurred in the wish for
the return of Louisiana to the Union, and were willing to
take the oath of allegiance prescribed by the President,
but who nevertheless disapproved of the general policy
of the Administration, especially on the subject of slavery. The
election resulted in the election of Mr. Hahn.
The following letter was written by Mr. Lincoln to
congratulate him on his election:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 18,
1864.
Hon. MICHAEL HAHN:
My
Dear Sir:--I congratulate you on having
fixed your name in history
as the first Free-State Governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to
have a
convention, which, among other things, will probably define the
elective
franchise. I barely suggest, for your private consideration, whether
some
of the colored people may not be let in, as, for instance, the very
intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
They
would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel
of
liberty in the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not
to the
public, but to you alone.
Truly yours,
A. LINCOLN.
Mr. Hahn was inaugurated as Governor on the 4th of
March. On the 15th he was clothed with the powers
previously exercised by General Banks, as military governor, by the following order from the President:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15,
1864.
His
Excellency MICHAEL HAHN, Governor
of Louisiana:
Until further orders, you are hereby invested with
the powers exercised
hitherto by the military governor of Louisiana.
Yours truly,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
On March 16th, Governor Hahn issued a proclamation,
notifying the electors of the State of the election for delegates to the convention previously ordered by General
Banks.
The party which elected Governor Hahn succeeded also
in electing a large majority of the delegates to the convention, which met in New Orleans on the 6th of April.
On the 11th of May it adopted, by a vote of seventy to sixteen, a clause of the new Constitution, by which slavery
was forever abolished in the State. The Constitution was
adopted on the 5th of September, by a vote of six thousand
eight hundred and thirty-six to one thousand five hundred and sixty-six.
Great umbrage was taken at these proceedings by some of the best friends
of the cause, as if there had been an
unauthorized and unjustifiable interference on the part of
the President, so that this Constitution and this State
Government, though nominally the work of the people,
were in reality only his. That this was a mistake, the
following letter, written in August, 1863, is sufficient
proof:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 5,
1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL BANKS:
While I
very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it
is quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter.
I
would be glad for her to make a new Constitution, recognizing the
Emancipation Proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of
the
State to which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at
it,
I think it would not be objectionable for her to adopt some
practical sys tem by which the two races could gradually live themselves out of
their
old relation to each other, and both come out better prepared for
the
new. Education for young blacks should be included in the plan.
After
all, the power or element of "contract" may be sufficient for this
probationary period, and by its simplicity and flexibility may be the
better.
As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire
emancipation which
pro-slavery men do not have; but even they have strong enough reason
to thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and to
thus
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which
we
are now passing.
Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is
now taking a
registry, with a view to the election of a Constitutional Convention
in
Louisiana. This, to me, appears proper. If such convention were to
ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say to
you. I
think the thing should be pushed forward, so that, if possible, its
mature
work may reach here by the meeting of Congress.
For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event,
retract the Emancipation Proclamation; nor, as Executive, ever return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of
the
acts of Congress.
If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their
admission to seats
will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon
the
President. *
* * *
Yours, very truly,
In Arkansas, where a decided Union feeling had existed from the outbreak of the rebellion, the appearance of
the proclamation was the signal for a movement to bring the State back
into the Union. On the 20th of January,
a delegation of citizens from that State had an interview
with the President, in which they urged "the adoption of
certain measures for the re-establishment of a legal State.
Government, and especially the ordering of an election for
Governor. In consequence of this application, and in
substantial compliance with their request, the President
wrote the following letter to General Steele, who commanded in that Department:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 20,
1864.
Major-General STEELE:
Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas petition
me that an election
may be held in that State, at which to elect a Governor; that it be
assumed at that election, and thenceforward, that the constitution and
laws
of the State, as before the rebellion, are in full force, except
that the constitution is so modified as to declare that there shall be neither
slavery
nor involuntary servitude, except in the punishment of crimes
whereof
the party shall have been duly convicted; that the General Assembly
may
make such provisions for the freed people as shall recognize and
declare
their permanent freedom, and provide for their education, and which
may
yet be construed as a temporary arrangement suitable to their
condition
as a laboring, landless, and homeless class; that said election
shall be
held on the 28th of March, 1864, at all the usual places of the
State, or all
such as voters may attend for that purpose; that the voters
attending at
eight o'clock in the morning of said day may choose judges and
clerks of
election for such purpose; that all persons qualified by said
constitution
and laws, and taking the oath presented in the President's
proclamation
of December 8, 1863, either before or at the election, and none
others,
may be voters; that each set of judges and clerks may make returns
directly to you on or before the --th day of ----- next; that in all
other
respects said election may be conducted according to said
constitution
and laws; that on receipt of said returns, when five thousand four
hundred and six votes shall have been cast, you can receive said votes,
and
ascertain all who shall thereby appear to have been elected; that on
the
--th day of ----- next, all persons so appearing to have been
elected,
who shall appear before you at Little Rock, and take the oath, to be
by
you severally administered, to support the Constitution of the
United
States and said modified Constitution of the State of Arkansas, may
be declared by you qualified and empowered to enter immediately
upon the duties of the offices to which they shall have been
respectively
elected.
You will please order an election to take place on
the 28th of March,
1864, and returns to be made in fifteen days thereafter.
A. LINCOLN.
Upon the return of the delegation to Arkansas, they
issued an address to the people of the State, urging them
to avail themselves of the opportunity thus afforded for
restoring their State to its old prosperity, and assuring
them, from personal observation, that the people of the
Northern States would most cordially welcome their
return to the Union. Meantime, a convention had assembled at Little Rock, composed of delegates elected
without any formality, and not under the authority of the
General Government, and proceeded to form a new State
Constitution, and to fix a day for an election.
Upon being informed of this, the President seems to
have sent orders to General Steele to help on this movement, and he telegraphed to the Provisional Government
as follows:--
WASHINGTON, February 6,
1864.
J. MURPHY:
My order to General Steele, about an election, was
made in ignorance
of the action your convention had taken or would take. A subsequent
letter directs General Steele to aid you on your own plan, and not
to
thwart or hinder you. Show this to him.
A. LINCOLN.
He also wrote the following letter to one of the most prominent
citizens:--
TO WILLIAM
FISHBACK:
When I fixed a plan for an election in Arkansas, I
did it in ignorance
that your convention was at the same work. Since I learned the
latter
fact, I have been constantly trying to yield my plan to theirs. I
have
sent two letters to General Steele, and three or four dispatches to
you and
others, saying that he ( General Steele) must be master, but that it
will
probably be best for him to keep the convention on its own plan.
Some
single mind must be master, else there will be no agreement on any
thing;
and General Steele, commanding the military and being on the ground,
is the best man to be that master. Even now citizens are
telegraphing
me to postpone the election to a later day than either fixed by the
convention or me. This discord must be silenced.
A. LINCOLN.
The dispatches to General Steele reached him both
together, and only a few days before the day fixed by
the convention for the election. All that he did, therefore, was to
issue a proclamation calling on the people to
come out and vote at the ensuing election.
The convention framed a constitution abolishing slavery, which was subsequently adopted by a large majority of the people.
It also provided for the election of State officers on the
day appointed for the vote upon the constitution; and
the legislature chosen at that election elected two gentlemen, Messrs. Fishback and Baxter, as United States
Senators, and also Representatives. These gentlemen
presented their credentials at Washington, whereupon Mr.
Sumner offered the following resolution in the Senate:--
Resolved, That a State pretending to
secede from the Union, and battling against the General Government to maintain that position, must
be
regarded as a rebel State, subject to military occupation, and
without
representation on this floor, until it has been readmitted by a vote
of both
Houses of Congress; and the Senate will decline to entertain any
application from any such rebel State until after such a vote of both
Houses.
The whole matter was referred to the Judiciary Committee, who, without adopting the views of Mr. Sumner's
resolution, reported on the 27th of June that on the facts it
did not appear that the rebellion was so far suppressed in
Arkansas as to entitle the State to representation in Congress, and that therefore Messrs. Fishback and Baxter
were not entitled to seats as Senators from the State of
Arkansas. And the Senate on the next day adopted their
report by a vote of twenty-seven to six.
In the House, meanwhile, the Committee on Elections, to
whom the application of the Arkansas members had been
referred, reported to postpone their admission until a commission could be sent to inquire into and report the facts
of the election, and to create a commission for the examination of all such cases. This proposition was, however,
laid on the table, and the members were not admitted.
This action put to rest all question of the representation
of the State in Congress till the next session.
The cause of the rejection of these Senators and Representatives was, that a majority in. Congress had not agreed with the
President in reference to the plan of reconstruction which he proposed. A bill for the reconstruction of
the States was introduced into the Senate, and finally
passed both Houses on the last day of the session. It
provided that the President should appoint, for each of
the States declared in rebellion, a Provisional Governor,
who should be charged with the civil administration of
the State until a State Government should be organized, and
such other civil officers as were necessary for the civil administration of the State; that as soon as military resistance to the United States should be suppressed and the
people had sufficiently returned to their obedience, the
Governor should make an enrolment of the white male
citizens, specifying which of them had taken the oath to
support the Constitution of the United States, and if those
who had taken it were a majority of the persons enrolled,
he should order an election for delegates to a Constitutional Convention, to be elected by the loyal white male
citizens of the United States aged twenty-one years and
resident in the district for which they voted, or absent in
the army of the United States, and who had taken the oath
of allegiance prescribed by the act of Congress of July 2,
1862; that this convention should declare, on behalf of
the people of the State, their submission to the Constitution
and laws of the United States, and adopt the following
provisions, prescribed by Congress in the execution of
its constitutional duty to guarantee to every State a republican form of government, viz.:--
First.--No
person who has held or exercised any office, civil or military, except offices merely ministerial and military offices below
the grade
of colonel, State or Confederate, under the usurping power, shall
vote
for or be a member of the Legislature or Governor.
Second.--Involuntary servitude is forever
prohibited, and the freedom
of all persons is forever guaranteed in the State.
Third.--No debt, State or Confederate,
created by or under the sanction of the usurping power, shall be recognized or paid by the
State.
The bill further provided that when a constitution
containing these provisions should have been framed by
the convention and adopted by the popular vote, the Governor should
certify that fact to the President, who,
after obtaining the assent of Congress, should recognize
this Government so established as the Government of the
State, and from that date senators and representatives and
electors for President and Vice-President should be elected
in the State. Further provisions were made for the dissolution of the convention in case it should refuse to frame
a constitution containing the above provisions, and the
calling of another convention by order of the President
whenever he should have reason to believe that the majority were willing to adopt them; and also for the civil
administration of the State in the mean time, and the abolition of slavery and the disfranchisement of rebel officers.
This bill thus passed by Congress was presented to the
President just before the close of the session, but was not
signed by him. The reasons for his refusal to sign it he
afterwards thought fit to make known, which he did by
the following proclamation:--
Whereas,
at the late session, Congress passed a bill to guarantee to
certain States whose Governments have been usurped or overthrown, a
republican form of government, a copy of which is hereunto annexed.
And,
Whereas, the said bill was presented to the
President of the United
States for his approval, less than one hour before the sine
die adjournment of said session, and was not signed by him. And,
Whereas, the said bill contains, among other
things, a plan for restoring
the States in rebellion to their proper practical relation in the
Union, which
plan expressed the sense of Congress upon that subject, and which
plan
it is now thought fit to lay before the people for their
consideration:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States, do
proclaim, declare, and make known that while. I am, as I was in
December
last, when by proclamation I propounded a plan for restoration,
unprepared by a formal approval of this bill to be inflexibly committed
to any
single plan of restoration, and while I am also unprepared to
declare that
the Free State Constitutions and Governments already adopted and in stalled in Arkansas and Louisiana, shall be set aside and held for
naught,
thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set
up the
same as to further effort, or to declare a constitutional competency
in
Congress to abolish slavery in the States, but am at the same time
sincerely hoping and expecting that a constitutional amendment
abolishing
slavery throughout the nation may be adopted: nevertheless, I am
fully
satisfied with the system for restoration contained in the bill, as
one very
proper
for the loyal people of any State choosing to adopt it, and that I
am, and at all times shall be, prepared to give the Executive aid
and assistance to any such people, so soon as the military resistance to the
United
States shall have been suppressed in any such State, and the people
thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the
Constitution and the laws of the United States--in which cases Military
Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to
the bill.'
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand
and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
| Done at the City of
Washington, this eighth day of July, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of
the independence of the United States the eighty-ninth. |
[L. S.] |
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President
WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
The relations of the war carried on to maintain the republican government of the United States, against the efforts
of the slaveholding oligarchy for its overthrow, to the
general interests of labor, from time to time enlisted a
good deal of the thoughts of the President, and elicited
from him expressions of his own sentiments on the subject. On the 31st of December, 1863, a very large meeting of workingmen was held at Manchester, England, to
express their opinion in regard to the war in the United
States. At that meeting an address to President Lincoln
was adopted, expressing the kindest sentiments towards.
this country, and declaring that, since it had become evident that the destruction of slavery was involved in the
overthrow of the rebellion, their sympathies had been
thoroughly and heartily with the Government of the
United States in the prosecution of the war. This address was forwarded to the President through the American Minister in London, and elicited the following reply:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 19,
1863.
To the
Workingmen of Manchester:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the
address and resolutions which you sent me on the eve of the new year. When I came,
on the 4th of March, 1861, through a free and constitutional
election, to
preside in the Government of the United States, the country was
found at the verge of civil war. Whatever might have been the cause,
or
whosesoever the fault, one duty, paramount to all others, was before
me,
namely, to maintain and preserve at once the Constitution and the
integrity of the Federal Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform
this
duty is the key to all the measures of administration which have
been,
and to all which will hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of
government and my official oath, I could not depart from this purpose if I
would. It is not always in the power of Governments to enlarge or
re strict the scope of moral results which follow the policies that
they
may deem it necessary, for the public safety, from time to time to
adopt.
I have understood well that the duty of
self-preservation rests solely with the American people. But I
have at the same time been aware that favor or disfavor of
foreign nations might have a material influence in enlarging
or prolonging the struggle with disloyal men in which the
country is engaged. A fair examination of history has served to
authorize a belief that the past actions and influences of the United
States were
generally regarded as having been beneficial towards mankind. I
have,
therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances- to some of which you kindly allude--induced me especially to expect
that
if justice and good faith should be practised by the United States,
they
would encounter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain.
It is
now a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have given
of your desire that a spirit of amity and peace towards this country
may
prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected and esteemed
in
your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation which
has
its home on this side of the Atlantic.
I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the
workingmen at
Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis.
It has
been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow
this
Government, which was built upon the foundation of human rights, and
to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis
of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through the
action of our disloyal citizens, the workingmen of Europe have been
subjected to severe trials, for the purpose of forcing their
sanction to that
attempt. Under the circumstances, I cannot but regard your decisive
utterances upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian
heroism,
which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is
indeed
an energetic and reinspiring assurance of the inherent power of
truth,
and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, and
free dom. I do not doubt that the sentiments you have expressed will be
sustained by your great nation; and on the other hand, I have no
hesitation in assuring you that they will excite admiration, esteem, and
the
most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American people. I
hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury that
whatever
else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or my
own, the peace and friendship which now exist between the two
nations
will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
The workingmen of London held a similar meeting at
about the same time, and took substantially the same
action. The President made the following response to
their address:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 2,
1863.
To the
Workingmen of London:
I have received the
New Year's Address which you have sent me, with
a sincere appreciation of the exalted and humane sentiments by which
it
was inspired.
As these sentiments are manifestly the enduring
support of the free
institutious of England, so I am sure also that they constitute the
only
reliable basis for free institutions throughout the world.
The resources, advantages, and powers of the
American people are
very great, and they have consequently succeeded to equally great
responsibilities. It seems to have devolved upon them to test whether a
government established on the principles of human freedom can be
maintained against an effort to build one upon the exclusive foundation
of
human bondage. They will rejoice with me in the new evidences which
your proceedings furnish, that the magnanimity they are exhibiting
is
justly estimated by the true friends of freedom and humanity in
foreign
countries.
Accept my best wishes for your individual welfare,
and for the welfare
and happiness of the whole British people.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
On the 21st of March, 1864, a committee from the Workingmen's Association of the City of New York waited
upon the President and delivered an address, stating the
general objects and purposes of the Association, and requesting that he would allow his name to be enrolled
among its honorary members. To this address the President made the following reply:--
GENTLEMEN OF
THE COMMITTEE:-- The honorary membership in your
association, as generously tendered, is gratefully accepted.
You comprehend, as your address shows, that the
existing rebellion
means more and tends to do more than the perpetuation of African slavery--that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working
people.
Partly to show that this view has not escaped my attention, and
partly that I cannot better express myself, I read a passage from
the message to
Congress in December, 1861:--
"It continues to develop that the insurrection is
largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government, the
rights
of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most
grave
and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the general
tone
of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the
existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the people of all
right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the
legislative, boldly
advocated, with labored argument to prove that large control of the
people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy
itself
is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the
people.
"In my present position I could scarcely be justified
were I to omit
raising a warning voice against this approach of returning
despotism.
"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general
argument should be
made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with
its
connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief
attention. It is the effort to place capital on
an equal footing, if not above
labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that
labor is avail able only in connection with capital; that nobody labors unless
some body else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to
labor
This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital
shall
hire laborers, and
thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy
them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded
so
far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers,
or
what we call slaves. And, further, it is assumed that whoever is
once a
hired laborer, is fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no
such
relation between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such
thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired
laborer.
Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are
groundless.
"Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital.
Capital is only the
fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first
existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher
consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as
any
other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always
will be,
a relation between capital and labor, producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that the whole labor of a community exists
within
that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor them selves, and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor
for them.
A large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others,
nor
have others working for them. In most of the Southern States, a
majority of the whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor
masters; while
in the Northern, a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men
with
their families--wives, sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on
their
farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product
to
themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand, nor of
hired
laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a
considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor with capital; that is, they
labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for
them,
but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle
stated is
disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.
"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of
necessity, any such
thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for
life.
Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in
their lives,
were hired laborers. The prudent penniless beginner in the
world labors for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy
tools.
or land for himself, then labors on his own account another while,
and at
length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and
generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all--gives
hope
to all, and consequent energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those
who toil up from poverty--none less inclined to touch or take aught
which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering
a political power they already possess, and which, if surrendered,
will
surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as
they, and
to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty
shall be
lost."
The views then expressed remain unchanged, nor have
I much to add.
None are so deeply interested to resist the present rebellion as the
working people. Let them beware of prejudices, working division and hostility among themselves. The most notable feature of a disturbance in
your city last summer was the hanging of some working people by
other
working people. It should never be so. The strongest bond of human
sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting all
work ing people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds. Nor should
this
lead to a war upon property, or the owners of property. Property is
the
fruit of labor; property is desirable; is a positive good in the
world.
That some should be rich shows that others may become rich, and,
hence,
is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is
houseless pull down the house of another, but let him labor
diligently
and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own
shall be
safe from violence when built.
The President had always taken a deep interest in the
volunteer movements of benevolent people throughout
the country, for relieving the sufferings of the sick and
wounded among our soldiers. A meeting of one of these
organizations, the Christian Commission, was held at
Washington, on the 22d of February, 1863, to which
President Lincoln, unable to attend and preside, addressed the following letter:--
EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 22,
1868.
Rev.
ALEXANDER REED:
MY DEAR SIR:--Your note, by which you, as General
Superintendent
of the United States Christian Commission, invite me to preside at a
meeting to be held this day, at the hall of the House of
Representatives
in this city, is received.
While, for reasons which I deem sufficient, I must
decline to preside,
I cannot withhold my approval of the meeting, and its worthy
objects.
Whatever shall be, sincerely and in God's name, devised for the good
of the soldiers and seamen in their hard spheres of duty, can
scarcely
fail to be blessed. And whatever shall tend to turn our thoughts
from
the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, prejudices, and
jealousies
incident to a great national trouble such as ours, and to fix them
on the
vast and long-enduring consequences, for weal or for woe, which are
to
result from the struggle, and especially to strengthen our reliance
on the
Supreme Being for the final triumph of the right, cannot but be well
for
us all.
The birthday of Washington and the Christian.
Sabbath coinciding this
year, and suggesting together the highest interests of this life and
of that
to come, is most propitious for the meeting proposed.
|
Your
obedient servant, |
A. LINCOLN. |
On the 16th of March, 1864, at the close of a fair in
Washington, given at the Patent Office, for the benefit of
the sick and wounded soldiers of the army, President
Lincoln, happening to be present, in response to loud and
continuous calls, made the following remarks:--
LADIES AND
GENTLEMEN:--I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are engaged falls heavily upon all clases of
people, but the most heavily upon the soldier. For it has been said,
all that a
man hath will he give for his life; and while all contribute of
their
substance, the soldier puts his life at stake, and often yields it
up in his
country's cause. The highest merit, then, is due to the soldier.
In this extraordinary war, extraordinary
developments have manifested
themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and among
these
manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for
the
relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the chief
agents in
these fairs are the women of America.
I am not accustomed to the use of language of
eulogy; I have never
studied the art of paying compliments to women; but I must say, that
if all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of
the
world in praise of women were applied to the women of America, it
would not do them justice for their conduct during this war. I will
close by saying, God bless the women of America!
Still another occasion of a similar character occurred
at Baltimore on the 18th of April, at the opening of a
fair for the benefit of the Sanitary Commission. The
President accepted an invitation to attend the opening
exercises, and made the following remarks:--
LADIES AND
GENTLEMEN:--Calling to mind that we are in Baltimore,
we cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon these many
people assembled here to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of
the Union, it occurs at once that three years ago the same soldiers
could
not so much as pass through Baltimore. The change from then till now
is both great and gratifying. Blessings on the brave men who have
wrought the change, and the fair women who strive to reward them
for it!
But Baltimore suggests more than could happen within
Baltimore.
The change within Baltimore is part only of a far wider change. When
the war began, three years ago, neither party, nor any man, expected
it
would last till now. Each looked for the end, in some way, long ere
to day. Neither did any anticipate that domestic slavery would be much
affected by the war. But here we are; the war has not ended, and
slavery has been much affected--how much needs not now to be re counted. So true is it that man proposes and God disposes.
But we can see the past, though we may not claim to
have directed
it; and seeing it, in this case, we feel more hopeful and confident
for the
future.
The world has never had a good definition of the word
liberty, and
the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare for liberty; but in using the same word
we do not all mean the
same thing. With
some the word liberty may mean for each man to do
as he pleases with himself, and the product of his labor; while with
others the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with
other men, and the product of other men's labor. Here are two, not
only different, but incompatible things, called by the same name,
liberty.
And it follows that each of the things is, by the respective
parties, called
by two different and incompatible names--liberty and tyranny.
The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat,
for which the
sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator,
while the wolf denounces him
for the same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the
sheep was
a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a
definition of the word liberty; and precisely the same difference
prevails
to-day among us human creatures, even in the North, and all
professing
to love liberty. Hence we behold the process by which thousands are
daily passing from under the yoke of bondage hailed by some as the
advance of liberty, and bewailed by others as the destruction of all
liberty. Recently, as it seems, the people of Maryland have been
doing
something to define liberty, and thanks to them that, in what they
have
done, the wolf's dictionary has been repudiated.
It is not very becoming for one in my position to
make speeches at
great length; but there is another subject upon which I feel that I
ought to say a word. A painful rumor, true, I fear, has reached us,
of
the massacre, by the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, in the west end'
of
Tennessee, on the Mississippi River, of some three hundred colored
soldiers and white officers, who had just been overpowered by their
assail ants. There seems to be some anxiety in the public mind whether the
Government is doing its duty to the colored soldier, and to the
service, at this point. At the beginning of the war, and for some
time, he use
of colored troops was not contemplated; and how the change of
purpose
was wrought, I will not now take time to explain. Upon a clear conviction of duty, I resolved to turn that element of strength to
account;
and I am responsible for it to the American people, to the
Christian.
world, to history, and on my final account to God. Having determined
to use the negro as a soldier, there is no way but to give him all
the
protection given to any other soldier. The difficulty is not in
stating
the principle, but in practically applying it. It is a mistake to
suppose
the Government is indifferent to this matter, or is not doing the
best it
can in regard to it. We do not to-day know that
a colored soldier, or
white officer commanding colored soldiers, has been massacred by the
rebels when made a prisoner. We fear it, believe it, I may say, but
we
do not know it. To take the life of one of their prisoners on the
assumption that they murder ours, when it is short of certainty that they
do
murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel a mistake. We are
having
the Fort Pillow affair thoroughly investigated; and such
investigation
will probably show conclusively how the truth is. If, after all that
has
been said, it shall turn out that there has been no massacre at Fort
Pillow, it will be almost safe to say there has been none, and will
be
none elsewhere. If there has been the massacre of three hundred
there,
or even the tenth part of three hundred, it will be conclusively
proven;
and being so proven, the retribution shall as surely come. It will
be
matter of grave consideration in what exact course to apply the
retribution; but in he supposed case, it must come.
In June, the President attended a similar fair at Philadelphia, one of the largest that was held in all the country. At a supper given to him there, the health of the
President having been proposed as a toast, the President
said in acknowledgment:--
I suppose
that this toast is intended to open the way for me to say
something. War at the best is terrible, and this of ours in its
magnitude
and duration is one of the most terrible the world has ever known.
It
has deranged business totally in many places, and perhaps in all. It
has
destroyed property, destroyed life, and ruined homes. It has
produced a
national debt and a degree of taxation unprecedented in the history
of
this country. It has caused mourning among us until the heavens may
almost be said to be hung in black. And yet it continues. It has had
accompaniments not before known in the history of the world. I mean
the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, with their labors for the
relief of
the soldiers, and the Volunteer Refreshment Saloons, understood
better by
those who hear me than by myself--(applause)--and these fairs, first
begun at
Chicago and next held in Boston, Cincinnati, and other cities. The
motive and object that lie at the bottom of them is worthy of the
most that we
can do for the soldier who goes to fight the battles of his country.
From
the fair and tender hand of women is much, very much done for the
soldier, continually reminding him of the care and thought for him
at
home. The knowledge that he is not forgotten is grateful to his
heart.
(Applause.) Another view of these institutions is worthy of thought.
They are voluntary contributions, giving proof that the national
resources
are not at all exhausted, and that the national patriotism will
sustain us
through all. It is a pertinent question, When is this war to end? I
do
not wish to name a day when it will end, lest the end should not
come at
the given time. We accepted this war, and did not begin it.
(Deafening
applause.) We accepted it for an object, and when that object is
accomplished the war will end, and I hope to God that it will never end
until
that object is accomplished. (Great applause.) We are going through
our task, so far as I am concerned, if it takes us three years
longer.
I have not been in the habit of making predictions, but I am almost
tempted now to hazard one. I will. It is, that Grant is this evening
in a
position, with Meade and Hancock, of Pennsylvania, whence he can
never
be dislodged by the enemy until Richmond is taken. If I shall
discover
that General Grant may be greatly facilitated in the capture of
Richmond,
by rapidly pouring to him a large number of armed men at the
briefest
notice, will you go? (Cries of "Yes.") Will you march on with him?
(Cries
of "Yes, yes.") Then I shall call upon you when it is necessary.
(Laughter
and applause, during which the President retired from the table.)
It became manifest, soon after the commencement of
the war, that its progress would inevitably have the effect
of freeing very many, if not all, the slaves of the Southern States. The President's attention was therefore
directed at an early day to the proper disposition of those
who should thus be freed. As his messages show, he
was strongly in favor of colonizing them, with their own
consent, in some country where they could be relieved
from the embarrassments occasioned by the hostile prejudices of the whites, and enter upon a career of their own.
In consequence of his urgent representations upon this
subject, Congress at its session of 1862 passed an act placing at his disposal the sum of six hundred thousand dollars, to be expended, in his discretion, in removing, with
their own consent, free persons of African descent to same
country which they might select as adapted to their condition and necessities.
On the 14th of August, 1862, the President received a deputation of
colored persons, with whom he had an interview on the subject, of which one of the parties interested
has made the following record:--
WASHINGTON, Thursday, August 14,
1862.
This
afternoon the President of the United States gave an audience to
a committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced
by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M. Thomas, the
chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what
the
Executive had to say to them.
Having all been seated, the President, after a few
preliminary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the
colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of them, of
African
descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been
his inclination, to favor that cause. And why, he asked, should the people
of
your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this
country?
This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration. You
and we
are different races. We have between us a broader difference than
exists
between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I
need.
not discuss; but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to
us
both, as I think. Your race suffer very greatly, many of them by
living
among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer
on
each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why
we should
be separated. You here are freemen, I suppose.
A voice--Yes, sir.
The President--Perhaps you have long been free, or
all your lives.
Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong
inflicted on
any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far
re moved from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are
cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys. The
aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but
on this
broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of a
single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban
is
still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it
as a fact,
with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a
fact
about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our
condition. Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I
need
not recount to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the
institution of slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the
white race.
See our present condition--the country engaged in war! our white men
cutting one another's throats--none knowing how far it will
extend--and
then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among
as there could not be war, although many men engaged on either side
do
not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat,
without the institution of slavery, and the colored race a basis,
the war could
not have an existence. It is better for us both, therefore, to be
separated.
I know that there are free men among you who, even if they could
better
their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the country
as those
who, being slaves, could obtain their freedom on this condition. I
suppose
one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is,
that the free
colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You
may believe that you can live in Washington, or elsewhere in the
United
States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more so than you can in
any
foreign country; and hence you may come to the conclusion that you
have
nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is
(I
speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the case. But
you
ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as
your selves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh
as it
may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now if you
could
give a start to the white people, you would open a wide door for
many to
be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the
beginning,
and whose intellects are clouded by slavery, we have very poor
material
to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me,
would
move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly
important that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as
white
men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed. There is
much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should
sacrifice
something of your present comfort for the purpose of being as grand
in
that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought
throughout
life, that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of
those who
have been subject to the hard usages of the world. It is difficult
to make
a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims
kindred
to the great God who made him. In the American Revolutionary War
sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were cheered by
the
future. General Washington himself endured greater physical
hardships
than if he had remained a British subject, yet he was a happy man,
be cause he was engaged in benefiting his race; in doing something for
the
children of his neighbors, having none of his own.
The colony of Liberia has been
in existence a long time. In a certain
sense, it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has
just been
with me, the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the
bounds of that colony between three and four hundred thousand
people,
or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or
Delaware,
or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our larger
ones.
They are not all American colonists or their descendants. Something
less
than twelve thousand have been sent thither from this country. Many
of
the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their
offspring
outnumber those deceased. The question is, if the colored people are
persuaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for
unwillingness
to do so is, that some of you would rather remain within reach of
the
country of your nativity. I do not know how much
attachment you may have towards our race. It does not strike me that you
have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to
them at all events. The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is
in Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia--not much more than
one-fourth as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers.
Unlike Liberia, it is a great line of travel--it is a highway. The country is
a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources and
advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with your
native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition. The particular
place I have in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean
Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular place has all the
advantages for a colony. On both sides there are harbors among the finest in the
world. Again, there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain amount
of coal is valuable in any country, and there may be more than enough for
the wants of any country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is,
it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate
employment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you
take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad show; and so
where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make a farm. But if
something is started so that you can get your daily bread as soon
as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I
know of with which to commence an enterprise. To return--you have been
talked to upon this subject, and told that a speculation is intended
by gentlemen who have an interest in the country, including the coal
mines. We have been mistaken all our lives if we do not know whites, as
well as blacks, look to their self-interest. Unless among those deficient
of intellect, everybody you trade with makes something. You meet with these
things here and everywhere. If such persons have what will be an
advantage to them, the question is, whether it cannot be made of
advantage to you? You are intelligent, and know that success does not as
much depend on external help as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends
upon yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available
for your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged,
have provision made that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in
the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am
not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, but we
cannot succeed unless we try; but we think with care we can succeed.
The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as
satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter;
but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of
colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your
colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would endeavor to have you
made equals, and have the best assurance that you should be the equals
of the best. The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can
get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are
willing to go, when
I present evidence of
encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, and
able to
"cut their own fodder," so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could
find
twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children- good things in the family relation, I think--I could make a
successful
commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done or
not. This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are
subjects of very great importance--worthy of a month's study, of a
speech
delivered in an hour. I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not
pertain ing to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the present
time,
but as one of the things, if successfully managed, for the good of
mankind
--not confined to the present generation, but as
"From age
to age descends the lay
To millions yet to be,
Till far its echoes roll away
Into eternity."
The above is merely given as the substance of the
President's remarks.
The chairman of the delegation briefly replied, that "they would
hold
a consultation, and in a short time give an answer." The President
said,
"Take your full time--no hurry at all."
The delegation then withdrew.
In pursuance of his plans of colonization, an agreement
was entered into by the President, September 12, 1862,
with A. W. Thompson, for the setlement, by free colored
emigrants from the United States, of a tract of country
within the Republic of New Grenada--the region referred
to by the President in his remarks quoted above; and the
Hon. S. E. Pomeroy, a senator from Kansas, proposed to
accompany and superintend the expedition. The sum of
twenty-five thousand dollars was advanced to him from
the colonization fund, but it was soon after discovered
that the Government of New Grenada objected to the
landing of these emigrants upon its territory, and the
project was abandoned.
In April, 1863, an agreement was made with responsible
and highly respectable parties in New York for the colonization of Ile à Vache, within the Republic of Hayti, of
which a favorable grant had been made by the Government--and which was represented in the published report
of the Commissioner of Emigration in the Department of the Interior, as
being in every way adapted to the culture
of cotton and other tropical products, and as eminently
favorable for such an experiment. The Government
agreed to pay fifty dollars each for the removal of the
consenting emigrants thither--payment to be made on
official certificate of their arrival. The contractors fulfilled
their portion of the agreement with fidelity, and to the
utmost extent of their ability; but after an expenditure
of about eighty thousand dollars, it was discovered that
the representations of the fertility of the island had been
utterly unfounded, and that the enterprise was hopeless.
The agent of the company, moreover, through whom the
Government had made the original contract, proved to be
utterly untrustworthy and incapable, and was removed.
The Government at last brought the negroes back to the
United States, but incurred no additional expense, as it
declined to pay the contractors the stipulated sum for the
removal of the emigrants, or to reimburse them any portion of the moneys expended in the enterprise.
No further experiments were made in the matter of colonization; but the disposition and employment of the
negroes engaged a good deal of the attention and solicitude
of the Government. When the rebellion first broke out
there were many persons who insisted upon the instant
amancipation of the slaves, and their employment in arms
against the rebels of the Southern States. Public sentiment, however, was by no means prepared for the adoption of such a measure. The Administration, upon its
advent to power, was compelled to encounter a widespread distrust of its general purposes in regard to slavery,
and especial pains were taken by the agents and allies of
the rebellion to alarm the sensitive apprehensions of the
Border States upon this subject. The President, therefore, deemed it necessary, in order to secure that unity
of sentiment without which united and effective action
against the rebellion was felt to be impossible, to exclude
from the contest all issues of a secondary nature, and to
fasten the attention and thought of the whole country
upon the paramount end and aim of the war--the restoration of the Union
and the authority of the Constitution of
the United States. How steadily and carefully this policy
was pursued, the preceding pages of this record will show.
But as the war went on, and the desperate tenacity of
the rebel resistance became more manifest--as the field
of operations, both military and political, became enlarged,
and the elements of the rebel strength were better understood, the necessity of dealing with the question of slavery
forced itself upon the people and the Government. The
legislation of Congress, from time to time, represented and
embodied these advancing phases of public opinion. At
the extra session of 1861 a law was passed, discharging
from slavery every slave who should be required or permitted by his master to take up arms against the. United
States, or to be employed in any military capacity in the
rebel service. At the next session the President was
authorized to employ persons of African descent in the suppression of the rebellion, "in such manner as he should
judge best for the public welfare," and also to issue a
proclamation commanding all persons in rebellion against
the United States to lay down their arms and return to
their allegiance; and if any persons so warned should be
found in rebellion thirty days after the date of such proclamation, the President was authorized to set free their
slaves. Under these comprehensive acts the President
took such steps on the subject as he believed the necessities
of the country required, and as the public sentiment of
the country would sustain. The Emancipation Proclamation was issued on the 1st of January, 1863, and measures
were adopted soon afterwards to provide for the chances
which it made inevitable. On the 20th of January, the
Secretary of War authorized Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, to enlist volunteers for three years, and to include persons of African descent, organized into a separate
corps. In April, negro troops were enlisted by Adjutant-General Thomas for service in Arkansas, and on the 15th
of that month he issued an order appointing commissioners
to superintend the execution of a policy which the Government had adopted for committing the protection of the banks of the
Mississippi to a negro force. On the 22d
of May, orders were issued by the Secretary of War
creating a. Bureau of the War Department for all matters
relating to the organization of colored troops, and establishing rules for their enlistment, and for the appointment of officers to command them. And on the 20th of
August, Hon. J. Holt, Judge-Advocate General, sent to
the President an official opinion, to the effect that, under
the laws of Congress on the subject, he had full authority
to enlist slaves for service in the army precisely as he
might enlist any other persons--providing for compensation to loyal owners whose property might thus be taken
for the public service.
These were the initial steps of a movement for the
employment of negro troops, which has gone forward
steadily ever since, until, as has been seen from the
President's Message, over one hundred thousand negro
soldiers were already in the army of the United States,
contributing largely, by their courage and good conduct,
to the suppression of the rebellion, which sought the
perpetual enslavement of their race. The popular prejudice against their employment in the army, which was
so potent at the beginning, gradually gave way, even in
the slaveholding States, to a more just estimate of the
necessities of the emergency and the capacities of the
negro race. And what was of still more importance to
the welfare of the country, the people of the slaveholding States took up the question of slavery for discussion
and practical action, as one in which their own wellbeing, present and prospective, was deeply involved.
The Union party in every Southern State favored the
abolition of slavery, and in Missouri, Maryland, Louisiana, and Arkansas, measures were speedily taken for the
overthrow of an institution which had proved so detrimental to their interests, and so menacing to the unity of
the nation and the stability of republican institutions.
In all of them Constitutional. Conventions were held,
and clauses inserted in the constitutions which were
adopted, utterly abolishing slavery; and these constitutions were all
submitted to the popular vote, with the
following results:--
|
|
For. |
Against. |
|
Maryland |
30,174 |
29,799 |
|
Louisiana |
6,836 |
1,566 |
|
Arkansas |
12,177 |
226 |
|
Missouri |
43,670 |
41,808 |
In the latter State, the Constitution adopted in 1864
was, by a new Convention, held in January, 1865, revised
and amended, and submitted to the popular vote on June
6, 1865, and ratified as above.
|
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