4107. Julius Caesar was a young man of 25 years of age. He planned to sail to Rhodes with the intention of studying under Apollonius Molon who was the most eminent teacher of oratory at that time. On his way in the winter time, the pirates captured him near the island of Pharmacusa, which lies near the Asian shore north of Miletum. The pirates were so well equipped with ships that they controlled the seas. When the pirates demanded 20 talents from him for his ransom, Caesar laughed at them because they did not know how important a man he was. He promised that he would give them 50 talents. He immediately sent his companions and servants to the cities of Asia to get the money for his release. He retained with him only a physician and two others to attend to his personal needs. He was alone with these 3 for 38 days with a company of Cilicians who were the most savage people in the world. He behaved himself so well that he struck both a terror and a reverence into them. He did not remove his shoes or unclothed himself in case there should happen to be some extraordinary change of appearance and they would suspect him of something. He had no guard other than their eyes. Whenever he went to rest, he sent one to them to tell them to be quiet. He would play and exercise with them as if they had been in his retinue and not a prisoner of theirs. He wrote verses and orations which he spoke to them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would publicly call them dull fellows, barbarians and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humour and attributed that freeness of his speech to his simplicity and youth. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 41. Sueton in Julio. c. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Casare.) It is reported that while he was in custody he cried out:

``O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled in the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity.'' (Plutarch in M.Crasso.)

4108. The money from all the cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar. Caesar would not pay the 50 talents until he had forced the pirates to release the hostages to the cities. After this, he was placed on shore. The next night he got such a fleet as he could quickly assemble, and sailed from the port of the Milesians. He went toward the same island where the pirates where still anchored. He forced part of their fleet to flee and other ships he sank. He captured the rest of the ships with their crews. He was overjoyed with the victory of the night's expedition and he returned to his company the pirate's money he had seized as his own booty. He imprisoned the pirates at Pergamos. When he had finished that, he went to Junius, the proconsul of Asia who was in Bithynia. Junius had command of Asia and Bithynia which was recently established as a province. He demanded that justice might be done on the captives and had them crucified. This he had foretold the pirates when he was a prisoner and they though he was just joking. (Patercul. l. 2. c. 42. Sweton. & Plutarch in M. Crasso.) Before he captured them, he had sworn that he would crucify them. He first ordered their throats to be cut and then to be fastened to the cross. (Sueton. c. 74.)

4109. As spring was arriving, the third Mithridatic war was started. It lasted for 11 and an half years and ended with the death of Mithridates. Mithridates assembled all his fleets together and sacrificed as was his custom to Jupiter, powerful in battle. He drowned his chariot and horses in the sea as a sacrifice to Neptune. After this he hurried to Paphlagonia with Taxiles and Hermocrates the generals of his army. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 217, 218.) He had in his army 120,000 (or 140,000 as Appian has it) foot soldiers who were trained according to Roman discipline. He had 16,000 cavalry and 100 chariots with scythes. Another large company followed the camp who were to guard the ways, carry burdens. (Plutach in Lucullo.)

4110. As soon as Mithridates arrived at Paphlagonia, he made an haughty speech to the soldiers. When he saw that he had aroused their hatred of the Romans, he invaded Bithynia which was recently bequeathed to the Romans by Nicomede's will. (Appian. p. 218.) Livy said that Mithridates got it all into his hands (l. 93.) and Plutarch (in Lucullo) said that he was very willingly greeted by all the cities of Bithynia.

4111. All Asia was most intolerably oppressed by the hard usages of money lenders and tax collectors and it defected to Mithridates, (Plutarch in Lucullo) He with M. Marius or Varius whom Sertorius had sent to him from Spain to be his general, captured some of its cities. When they entered the cities, the king put Marius ahead of him with the rods and axes as if he were the supreme magistrate. The king followed behind as if he were one of his officers. Some of the cities he enfranchised upon his own terms. He granted to others the immunities but he said they were not granted from him but from Sertorius. Thus Asia which was plagued before with the tax collectors and oppressed by the covetousness and abuses of the garrisoned soldiers, began to be encouraged by this change of government. (Plutarch. in Sertorio.)

4112. Julius Caesar saw what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries and was ashamed to sit idly by when the allies were in such trouble. He left Rhodes where he had gone and passed over to Asia. He assembled what forces he could and he drove the king's lieutenant clear out of the province. By this he kept the cities loyal to Rome which before were wavering and ready to revolt. (Sueton, in Julio, c. 4.) Although Junius whom the people of Rome had appointed as their chief magistrate in Asia, hindered Mithridates very little in his undertakings because he was a coward. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 42.)

4113. Eutropious and Orosius, (from Livy) state that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years and because of this he was called "Isauricus". In Cicero (l. 3. in Verrem ) (which speech is called, "Oratio Frumentaria") he is said to have commanded the army for 7 years. Thereupon we have referred his first going into the province to the year before this 5th year in which also he was consul. Cicero (l. 5. contra. Verem), affirmed that this man took more of the robber's commanders alive than all those had done who came before him. Among the rest, he recaptured Nico, a famous pirate who had broken his chains and escaped with the same gallantry that he had when he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus (in l. 14. Historiar.) wrote:

``Cilicia and Isauria were mutually engaged in a war of piracy and had some troops of land robbers. Servilius the proconsul, made them submit to him and after that he made them a tributary.''

4114. Jornandes (l. de regnorum ac temporum succession), wrote that Servilius overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all to provinces. Octavius who was this year's consul, was sent into the province of Cilicia. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4115. Wherever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the various prisoners and captives whom he carried along with him. People came flocking to him from all parts. They came from the towns through which they marched and also from all the adjacent places on purpose to see this. This pleased the people of Rome all the more and were more delighted with this victory than with any that ever had been before. (Cicero, in Verrem, l. 5.) In this triumph also the various images and ornaments which he had taken away from the city Olympus after he had taken it. They were carried on chargers in state that rode ahead of him in the triumph. All of this he later had entered into the common records and brought into the treasury. The number, size, shape and condition of those images were specified for each image. (Id. in eundem, l. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid.) Valerius Maximus mentioned this triumph of Servilius. (l. 8. c. 5.) Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Claudian the Poet, (in l. 1. in Eutropium,) say this of him.

``Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros. Servilius charioted the untamed Isaures.''

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4116. M. Antonius, the father to M. Antonius who was in the triumvirate, obtained an unlimited commission to guard all the Roman sea coasts. He obtained this by the favour of Cotta the consul and Cethegus' faction from the senate. M. Antonius was a most vile person and his wicked companions pillaged Sicily and all the provinces. (Cicero, act. 2. in Verrem. l. 2. Lactant. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and upon the previously mentioned place of Cicero, contra Verrem.)

4117. The province of Gaul Cisalpina was allotted to L. Lucullus the consul. However, when Octavius died who held Cilicia, Lucullus by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend. He had much authority in Rome and had the province of Cilicia assigned to Lucullus. Since Cappadocia was close to Cilicia, they voted that Lucullus should undertake the Mithridatic war. However, M. Cotta his colleague in the consulship, after much pleading prevailed with the senate that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis and defend Bithynia. (Plutarch in Lucullo) So both the consuls were sent to this war, the one to secure Bithynia and the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. (Cicero pro Murana, Memnon c. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.) For that Lucullus the consul had not only Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted to him. He had the command of it for 7 years. (Velleius Paterculus. l. 2. c. 33.)

4118. Lucullus obtained a legion in Italy and crossed over with it into Asia. He added Fimbria's legions and two other legions to his force. However these new additions were long since ruined by luxury and covetousness. The Fimbrians had lived a long while without leadership and were more intractable and impudent. However they were very warlike and skilled and experienced in military undertakings. Lucullus reformed the one and calmed the fierceness of the other. (Plutarch in Lucello. cf. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 219.) He did the best he could to punish money lenders and the Roman tax collectors and make them more moderate in their dealings. Their extortions had been the main reason Asia revolted. He put down all the rebellions of various people when almost every country was in rebellion. (Plutarch in Lucello)

4119. Mithridates had another numerous army on the march with 400 ships of 30 oars plus a large number of smaller ships, which they commonly called Pentecouteri and Cercura. He sent away Diophantus Matharus with a large force into Cappadocia to put garrisons into the cities. If Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, he was to intercept and stop him. Mithridates kept with him 150,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry and 120 chariots with scythes which followed the cavalry. He had a good supply of all sorts of war engines. With these he marched quickly through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia and within 9 days he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the meanwhile commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet at a port of the Chalcedonians. (Memnon c. 39.)

4120. Mithridates' fleet stayed by Heraclea in Pontus and were denied use of the harbour. However, the citizens gave them access to their market. After some disputes between them as are usual in those places, two of the most prominent men of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carried away prisoners by them. They would be freed only on the following condition that they should help Mithridates in this war against the Romans with 5 frigates. By this the Heracleans lost favour with the Romans. The Romans had appointed in the other cities the public sale of the citizens' goods. They also subjected Heraclea to sale. The tax collectors arrived who were to carry out this business and started exacting money, contrary to the customs of the state. The citizens grew very perplexed and viewed this action as a prelude to slavery. Thereupon when they were in this state of affairs, they knew they would have to send an embassy to the Roman senate and to ask their favour and to stop the sale of their goods. They, were persuaded by a bold desperate fellow in the city. They murdered the tax collectors so secretly that no one knew of their death. (Memnon. c. 40.)

4121. M. Cotta heard of the news of Lucullus coming and that he was already camped in Phrygia and was very confident of victory over Mithridates. Cotta hurried to fight with Mithridates before Lucullus could, so that Lucullus would not share the victory with him. (Plutarch. on Lucello) Mithridates generals, Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, assembled in a short time a large army. They fought with P. Rutilius, M. Cotta's lieutenant at Chalcedon. In the battle Rutilius was killed along with the best part of his army. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) The Basternians routed the Italian foot soldiers and killed many of them. (Memnon. c. 41.)

4122. Mithridates marched up to Chalcedon where the Romans came from all parts to Cotta. Since Cotta was a novice soldier, he did not fight with him. However, Nudus, the admiral of his fleet with a brigade of the army, took to the field where it was best fortified. They were beaten off from there and fled back to the gate of Chalcedon. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowd of them trying to get in, that those who chased them could not shoot an arrow for fear of hitting their own troops. As soon as they let down the portcullis (iron lattice work in front of the gate), for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other commanders up to them with ropes. All the rest were killed in the midst of their friends and enemies. They held up there hands to them to be drawn up also but to no purpose. (Appian.)

4123. Mithridates though it would be best to immediately follow up on this victory and move his fleet toward the haven. When they had broken down the portcullis which was at the entrance of the haven, they burned 4 of the enemy's ships. They took away another 60 by tying them to one another's sterns. Neither Nudus nor Cotta, made any resistance but stayed secure within the walls. In the battle, the Romans lost about 3000 men among whom was Lucius Manlius, a senator. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians who were the first that assulted the haven, (Appian.) Plutarch tells us that Cotta lost on land 4000 foot soldiers besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon said that in one day the land and sea were most disgracefully filled with the bodies of the Romans. 8000 were killed in the naval battle and 4500 were taken prisoners. 5300 of the army of Italian foot soldiers were killed. Mithridates' side, lost only about 30 Basternians and 700 others from his whole company.

4124. This was that battle near Chalcedon, where M. Aurelius Cotta the consul was defeated (Livy l. 93.) and in which Mithridates in a letter to Arsaces, (l. 4. Histor. Salust.) wrote:

``I totally routed Marcus Cotta the Roman general near Chalcedon on land and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea.''

4125. The sad condition of Cotta on both sea and land, greatly increased the king's wealth and prestige. (Cicero, pro Murana.) Mithridates' success depressed the enemy. When Lucullus who was camped along the Sangarius River, heard of this greater defeat and saw his soldier's morale falling, he encouraged them with a speech. (Memnon, c. 41.)

4126. Archelaus who was formerly one of Mithridates' commanders, had now sided with the Romans. He tried to convince Lucullus that he might easily take the whole kingdom of Pontus now that Mithridates was in Bithynia with his army. Lucullus replied that he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common huntsmen are who did not dare to fight with the wild beasts but were brave enough to go into their empty dens. After saying this, Lucullus marched against Mithridates with his company of 30,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry. When he came first to see the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body and therefore desired not to to fight but play for time. He remembered that Marius, whom Sertorius had sent from Spain to be Mithridates' general was marching up against him. He decided to fight and drew his troops into battle array. Just as the army was set to fight, the sky split suddenly apart and there seemed to fall between both armies a great flaming body resembling a hogshead in shape and silver fiery hot. This strange sight so frightened both armies that they decided not to fight. They say this sign happened in Phrygia near Otryae. (Plutarch.)

4127. L. Lucullus the consul, with his cavalry fought some skirmishes with Mithridates' cavalry and won. He made also some other raids and was fortunate in them. This so encouraged his soldiers and made them so eager to fight, that he had much trouble in keeping them under control. (Livy l. 94.)

4128. Mithridates saw that the city of Cyzicum was the door to let him in to all of Asia. If he took it, the whole province would be open to his attacks. He resolved to make it the centre of his war effort. (Cicero pro Murena.) It was the most famous city of all Asia and a faithful friend to the people of Rome. (Cicero pro lege Manilia.) In the recent defeat at Chalcedon, it had lost 3000 citizens and 10 ships. Thereupon the king, decided to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had dined and had the opportunity of a thick and misty night, he moved his camp and by daybreak got to the top of the Adrastia Mountain. This is also called Dindymus and is located opposite to the city. (Plutarch.) Strabo wrote that Mithridates with 150,000 foot soldiers and a large body of cavalry invaded the Cyzicenians and took the Adrastia Mountain and the suburbs. (lib. 12. p. 575.) Appian stated that Lucullus with 30,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry camped opposite Mithridates' force of about 300,000 men. Orosius (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) stated:

``Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum more than 300,000 men by famine and sickness.''

4129. It is stated and as we find in Plutarch that Lucullus killed at least 300,000 of Mithridates' men and support staff. Eutropius (Breviary l. 6.) recorded that the following winter and summer, Lucullus killed of the king's forces almost 100,000 men.

4130. Mithridates surrounded the Cyzicenians with 10 brigades and attacked them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. (Strabo p. 575, 576. cf. Plutarch.) Since the Cyzicenians did not know what became of Lucullus, Mithridates' forces stated Lucullus' tents which were pitched before them were the forces of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax was sent from Archelaus to the city and was the first that told them that Lucullus was near them. They did not believe him and thought this was a ruse to cheer them up. However, a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, escaped and pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans were camped. Then they believed the report. (Plutarch) Lucullus sent one of his soldiers to them who knew their language. He told them to be encouraged. This soldier came on a raft made of two water skins.

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4131. Lucullus attacked Mithridates from the rear and defeated the Pontics and got a glorious victory. He killed more than 10,000 soldiers and took 13,000 prisoners. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4132. Lucullus saw a mountain very convenient to make his camp on. If he could capture it, he would have ample provisions for his army and would be able to starve the enemy. There was one very narrow passage to it which Mithridates had placed a guard to secure as he was advised by Taxiles and some of his other commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the arbitrator of the league between Mithridates and Sertorius, sent secretly a messenger to Lucullus. He then persuaded Mithridates to allow the Romans to pass by and to camp where they thought best for themselves. He lied to Mithridates and said that Fimbria's legions which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would defect to him within a day or two. Hence he would be spared the effort of a battle and get a victory without fighting. Mithridates did not suspect anything and allowed the Romans to quietly enter the passage and to fortify the mountain against him. By this the Romans had plentiful provisions from all those parts which lay behind them when Mithridates was blocked by a lake, mountain and river. He was able to get few supplies by land for his camp. He could not get out nor force Lucullus out either. The winter season was approaching and would likely hinder all supplies coming to him by sea. (Appian.)

4133. Plutarch wrote that Lucullus camped in Thracia at a place called "Comes". It was the best place to obstruct all the supply lines to Mithridates. Mithridates sent some men to Fimbria's legions to bring them over to him. Memnon said they pretended to defect to Mithridates and then killed all of Mithridates' delegates.

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4134. Nicomedes, a Thessalian, had built notable engines to batter the city. (Plutarch) One was called the Helepolis and was 150 feet high and was the most remarkable one. On this another tower was erected and planted with engines to sling stones and other sorts of weapons. Before they planted the engines, Mithridates ordered that 3000 of the Cyzicenians whom he had taken, to urge the city to surrender. This did not work. Lysistratus their general ordered a crier appointed who from the walls exhorted them that since it was their bad luck to fall under the power of a stranger they should bear it out as well as they could. Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the city. The townsmen were very busy within defending it. They were not able to breech the walls. They could not enter through the part that fell down about the evening because the heat of the fire was so scorching. The Cyzicenians repaired the breach at night. (Appian.)

4135. At last Lucullus found a way to send to the city some auxiliaries by night. (Strabo.) In the Dascylite Lake, there were very large boats. He took one of the biggest and carried it in a wagon to the sea side and put as many soldiers in it as it could hold. They secretly by night got into the city and the enemy knew nothing about it. (Plutarch.)

4136. Now was the time of Proserpina's festival, in which the Cyzicenians offered a black heifer. Although they did not have one, they made one of dough and brought it to the altar. The heifer which was intended for Proserpine's festival was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians herds on the other side the sea. On the day of the festival, she left the other herds and swam over alone to Cyzicum. She passed all the way through the enemy's fleet and by diving underwater got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour. She passed through and came into the midst of the city to the temple of Proserpina and presented herself before the altar. The Cyzicenians sacrificed her and were greatly encouraged. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4137. It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras, who was the chief magistrate according to Julius Obsequens. Plutarch only gives him the title of the people's tutor. She told him that she had provided a piper against the pipers. Plutarch rendered it that she immediately sent a Libyan piper against the Pontic trumpeter. The Cyzicenians wondered what this meant. About daybreak, there was foul weather at sea as if it had been a stormy wind. The king's engines were now drawn up to the walls. By their creaking and crashing the storm was known. Presently after this, there arose an extremely violent south wind which in the moment of an hour destroyed the rest of the king's engines. It so shook the wooden tower which was erected on the engine that it was overturned to the ground. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4138. It is also reported that at Troy, Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dripping with a ewer and showing that part of her vail was cut off. She told them that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were shown the pillars where the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraved. (Plutarch.)

4139. Mithridates was advised by his friends to sail with his fleet from before the city. However, he was not dismayed in the least by what had happened. He went up to the mountain Dindymus and from there cast up a bank all along to the walls of the city. On this he built towers. He tried to undermine the walls. (Appian.) In spite of all this, the Cyzicenians held out so stoutly that they very nearly took Mithridates alive in one of the mines which he dug himself. They also dug a mine to him but he got away safely when knew the danger he was in. (Strabo. p. 576.)

4140. When the winter came, Mithridates was cut off from supplies by sea. The army was very short of supplies and many of them died from famine. Some were glad to eat human flesh. Others fed on herbs as their only food and became sick. The dead bodies were lying all the while unburied and caused a plague to break out. (Memnon, c. 42. Strabo, p. 576. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.)

4141. While Lucullus was gone to gain some citadel or other, Mithridates tried to make use of this opportunity. Thereupon, he ordered part of his forces to march home with their arms but not to be seen by the enemy. He sent almost all his cavalry, those also which were for burden, his foot soldiers and those that were unfit into Bithynia. The horses were now weak from lack of food and lame because their hooves were worn away for lack of shoes. When Lucullus heard of this, he hurried to the camp by night as fast as he could. At daybreak, he went after them with 10 companies of foot soldiers and all his cavalry. Although at that instant, a violent storm struck so that many of the soldiers from the snow and other hardships were forced to lie down from the very cold and were not able to follow. With the rest of his troops he overtook the enemy at the passage of the Rhyndacus River. He slaughtered so many of them that the women of Apollonia came out and plundered the wagons and stripped the dead. In this battle, 6000 horses, an enormous number of beasts for burdens and 15,000 men were captured. Lucullus carried all away with him besides the pillage of the enemies camp. If we can believe him, Orosius stated:

``Lucullus at this battle killed more than 15000 men;''

4142. Salust thought that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any camels. However, those who were under Scipio who was the general who defeated Antiochus and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea would most certainly have seen camels. (Plutarch, Appian. Oros.)

4143. Funnius, who joined in with Mithridates and Metrophantes the king's praetor were defeated by Mamercus. They escaped with 2000 cavalry into Moesia and went from there to Moeonia. They came to the dry and parched hills and plains of Inarime. After they had been there a long time they finally got out and arrived at the king's camp without being noticed by the enemy. (Oros. l. 65. c. 2.)

4144. Eumachus the general and the rest of Mithridates' colonels fought in Phrygia. They killed many Romans with their wives and children. They subdued the Pisidians, the Isauri and Cilicia. Dejotarus, one of the tetrarchs of Galatia, attacked them as they were roving about and killed them and many of their soldiers. This brought an end to their actions. (Livy l. 54. Appian. p. 222. Oros. l. 65. c. 2.)

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4145. The 28th Jubilee.

4146. The Cyzicenians undermined the mounds which the king had cast up all along from Dindymus Mountain to the city and burned his engines. They knew how well the enemy was weakened by famine and made many sallies against them. Mithridates was resolved to withdraw and leave. (Appian.) He writes concerning this in a letter to Arsaces: (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

``In besieging Cyzicum with a large army, I lacked provisions since there was none available in the area. I could get nothing from all the parts about and winter had blocked the sea so none could be expected from there. I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into my own kingdom.''

4147. For Plutarch tells us from Salust that Lucullus camped two whole winters first at Cyzicum and later at Amisus. See Cicero concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum. (in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Murana and pro Archia poeta.)

4148. Mithridates resolved suddenly to leave. To keep Lucullus from following too fast after him, he sent Aristonicus a Greek admiral of his fleet to sea. However, Lucullus by some foul play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shore and seized the 10,000 crowns which he carried with him to bribe part of the Roman army. (Plutarch.)

4149. The king left his land forces with the general to march to Lampsacus. Hermaeus and Marius who were the generals sent by Sertorius, led 30,000 men there. However, Lucullus followed close after them and at last overtook them by surprise as they were crossing the Aesepus River. Its level at that time was higher than normal. He took very many of them prisoners and killed 20,000 of them. More than 11,000 of these were reported to have been Marius' soldiers. The Granicus and Aesepus Rivers ran red with blood. One of Mithridates' nobles, knew how strongly the Romans were given to covetousness. He ordered the soldiers to scatter their knapsacks and money about to deliberately slow down the pursuers. (Memnon, c. 42. Polybaus stratagem. l. 7. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4150. Mithridates planned to return by sea and sailed by night to Parium. (Appian.) His soldiers intended to leave with him and crowded on every side into the ship. Some were already filled and others were filled soon after. It happened that so many tried to get on the ships, that some ships sank and others capsized. The Cyzicenians saw this and attacked the enemy's camp. They cut the throats of the sick that were left behind and carried away whatever they found. (Memnon, c. 42.)

4151. Lucullus entered Cyzicum and was received with great joy and magnificence. (Plutarch.) In his honour they later instituted some plays which they called Lucullea. (Appian.) The Romans conferred a great deal of honour on the city and granted them their freedom. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4152. After Mithridates' men were driven to Lampsacus and besieged there by Lucullus, Mithridates sent his fleet there and transported them and the Lamsacenians. He left 50 ships with 10,000 men aboard them to Marius or Varius, the Sertorian general, Alexander a Paphlagonian and Dionysius the eunuch. Mithridates with the larger part made for Nicomedia. Many of these and the others were drowned in a storm. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4153. Mithridates assembled as best he could some forces in Pontus and besieged Perinthus. He made some attempts against it but could not take it. Therefore, he sent his forces away to Bithynia. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4154. Antiochus the Asian and his brother, the young sons of king Antiochus Pius who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria which was not seized by Tigranes, came to Rome. They requested the kingdom of Egypt which they thought rightly belonged to them and their mother Selene. They stayed there almost 2 whole years and retained their royal retinue. (Cicero l. 4. in Verrem.)

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4155. Antipas or Antipater the Idumean was the foremost citizen of their country with respect to birth and wealth. He was the son of the other Antipas or Antipater whom they say was the son of Alexander, the king of the Jews and his wife Alexandra. Antipater was made governor of all Idumea and was married to Cyprus, who was born at a famous place among the Arabians. He had a son called Herod who later was the king of Judea. He was 25 years old when his father placed him over Galilee. (See note on 3957 AM << >>) (See note on 3875a AM <<3593>>) Nicolaus Damascenus wrote Herod's life while Herod was still living. To curry favour with Herod, he has derived Antipater's pedigree from the princes of the Jews who came from Babylon into Judea. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.) This is also in the 35th chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews which is written at the end of the Parisian Bibles. There we read that Antipater was a Jew descended from those who came from Babylon with Ezra the priest. He was appointed by Alexander Jannaeus as governor of the country of the Idumeans and married a wife from there. Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, (l. 3. comment. in Luc. c. 3.) stated a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour according to the flesh, that Antipater was the son of Herod from Askelon who had the charge of Apollo's temple there. He was carried away by some Idumean robbers from Askelon and Antipater was instructed in the manners and customs of the Idumeans. This is the most common opinion of all the Christian fathers.

4156. Barba came with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus' commanders besieged Apamea. The citizens held out for a long time but finally surrendered according to Memnon. Although Appian wrote that when Triarius arrived there, he took the city by storm and killed many of the Apamenians in their temples where they fled for sanctuary. Soon after this, the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified city, beneath the Olympus Mountain and pillaged it. From there Triarius went with his army to Prusias which bordered on the sea. Prusias, the king of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans and called it after his own name. It was called previously Cierus or Chius from the river which it bordered. As soon as he drew near the city, the Prusians expelled the Pontics and received them in. From there they came to Nicaea which had a garrison of Mithridates. The Pontics, knew full well that the citizen's favoured the Romans and stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia. Hence the Romans got that city under their command without any trouble. (Memnon. c. 43. & 49. Appian. p. 223. cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4157. Lucullus came to the Hellespont and prepared his fleet. He arrived at Troas and went into the temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he dreamed that he saw the goddess standing by him and saying,

``Sleep'st thou now Lion stout? Whole herds of fawns rove here about.''

4158. While he was telling this dream to his friends, before daybreak some came to him from Troy. They told him how that there appeared 13 of the king's ships with five tiers of oars at a port of the Achaians and they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus sailed from Troas and captured all the 13 ships and killed Isodorus their admiral. (Plutarch, cf. Appian.)

4159. Lucullus followed up on his victory and went after Marius or Varius who was sent by Sertorius to be general, Alexander and Dionysius. He overtook them near Lemnus, in the deserted island where Philoctetes' altar with the brazen serpent is located. As he approached them, he ordered his soldiers before the battle not to kill anyone who had only one eye. He meant Marius who had lost an eye whom Lucullus planned to deride before he killed him. Lucullus saw that the enemy did not move and had drawn all their ships to the shore. He stopped and sent two ships to try to draw them into a battle. They would not budge but defended themselves from their hatches which really galled the Romans. The place was such that they could not turn around nor was it possible for the ships which were tossed by the waves to do much harm to the enemy. The enemy fleet was beached and they had good sure footing. Therefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships by another way to the island. He landed all his main foot soldiers there who attacked the enemy from the rear. Some were killed and others retreated to their ships. They were so fearful of Lucullus that they dared not launch into the deep but sailed along the coast. Now they were attacked from both land and sea and many were killed as they tried to get away. (Plutarch.) Lucullus either sunk or captured 32 of the king's ships, besides a number of cargo ships. Among those that were slain, were very many who had been proscribed by Sulla. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4160. The next day, the 3 generals were found hidden in a cave. Lucullus had Marius or Varius killed. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian.) Alexander was reserved to be killed later and Dionysius died soon after from poison that he carried with him. (Appian.)

4161. These were the 2 sea victories which Lucullus had, one at Tenedus, the other in the Aegean Sea. Memnon (c.44) mentions both as distinct battles. Cicero stated (Orat. pro lege Manclia) that there was just one battle. He said:

``The large and well trimmed fleet which Sertorius' commanders were in all fury sailing to Italy, was defeated by Lucullus and procouncil L. Murena. Do you think that the naval battle at Tenedus (when the enemy fleet in good hopes and spirits made a direct course for Italy under the most experienced generals) was defeated after a small battle or a light skirmish?''

4162. In Orat. pro Archia poeta, Cicero stated:

``Lucullus defeated the enemies fleet at that incredible naval battle at Tenedus.''

4163. Lucullus sent his letters to the senate which recounted his achievements. This was the custom of conquerors. (Appian.) When as the senate decreed to send him 3000 talents to procure a fleet, he wrote back that he had no need of the money. He boasted that he was able to drive Mithridates from the sea with the ships of the Roman allies. (Plutarch.)

4164. After this, he hurried to catch Mithridates and thought he might find him around Bithynia. He secured the place by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to pursue Mithridates. However, Voconius was busy at Samothracia in the religious ceremonies and holy festival days there and came too late. Mithridates sailed and hurried to get to Pontus before Lucullus could catch him. A storm hit and wrecked part of his fleet. Some ships were damaged and other were sunk so that for many days all the coasts around there were littered with the wreckage that washed ashore. They say that this storm was caused by Diana Priapina in revenge against the Pontics for their plundering her temple and taking down her image from its place.

4165. Dio wrote that Mithridates was twice wrecked as he was sailing to Pontus. By these accidents, he lost about 10,000 men and 60 ships. The rest were scattered by the winds. Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces in Salust, said:

``He lost his best soldiers and his fleet by two wrecks, at Para and Heraclea.''

4166. Orosius said:

``After Mithridates had manned his fleet and sailed against Byzantium (where Eutropius says he was chased by Lucullus), he was caught by a storm and lost 80 ships with brass prows.''

4167. To conclude, Florus stated:

``A storm struck this fleet of more than 100 ships and a very large military force in the Pontic sea. The storm so battered it that it looked like it had been done by a real naval battle.''

4168. The pilot of the large ship in which Mithridates was, did not think it possible to beach the ship in so boisterous a storm since it already leaked and was almost full of water. Mithridates against the advice of his friends leaped into the ship of Selemus a pirate and the pirate helped him get on board. Mithridates trusted himself with the pirates who brought him safely to Heraclea in Pontus. (Plutarch) They first went to Sinope and later to Amisus. (Appian and Orosius)

4169. Cotta wanted to atone for his former losses and moved his forces from Chalcedon where he then camped to Nicomedia. He camped 18 miles from the city and was cautious how he engaged the enemy. Triarius of his own accord, quickly brought his army by running marches to Cotta. Then both the Roman armies prepared to attack the city. The king knew that Lucullus had obtained already two notable victories over the Pontics at sea and that he was no match for the Roman forces. He moved his fleet back into the river where he lost some ships with 3 tiers of oars in a storm. However, he escaped with most of his ships to the Hypius River. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4170. Mithridates remained here because of the storm. He heard that Lamachus of Heraclea, a trusted old friend of his, ruled that state. Thereupon he flattered him by many fair promises to allow him into the city and to do the best he could for him. Mithridates also sent him some money because of this. Lamachus prepared a large feast for the citizens outside the city. During this feast he promised Mithridates that the gates would not be shut. He made the people drunk so that Mithridates might come as planned on the very day. He came and took them by surprise as they were sleeping. So the city became his own, and no one even dreamed of his coming. Next day the king summoned the city together and spoke very friendly to them. After he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him, he committed the city to Connacoriges and placed a garrison there of 4000 men. His pretence was merely to defend and protect the citizens in case the Romans should attack the place. From there, he sailed directly toward Sinope. Before he left he distributed some money among the citizens and especially among the magistrates. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4171. After Lucullus had recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, he passed through Bithynia and Galatia and invaded Mithridates' kingdom. He joined his forces at Nicomedia with the troops of Cotta and Triarius so that they might attack Pontus. (Eutrop. l. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, c. 45.) They received news of the taking of Heraclea when as yet they knew nothing of the plot. They thought it was surrendered when the citizens voluntarily abandoned the whole city. Lucullus thought it best that he with the whole power of his army, should march through the Mediterranean and Cappadocia against the king and his whole kingdom. Cotta thought they should try to recapture Heraclea. Triarius thought they should take the fleet and intercept Mithridates' ships which were sent into Crete and Spain when they returned through the Hellespont and Propontis. (Memnon, c. 45.)

4172. When Mithridates knew of their plans, he prepared for war. He quickly sent for forces from his son-in-law Tigranes the Armenian and to his son Macharus who was reigning in Bosphorus and from the Parthians. He also ordered Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians to solicit them with many gifts and a great weight of gold. However, he ran away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus. The others also refused to meddle. Tigranes delayed for a long time. (A letter of Mithridates to Arsaces inserted in the 4th book of Salust's histories, confirmed that this war was begun and he refused to help from the start.) However, he promised to send supplies. Mithridates' daughter wore on him until he yielded. (Memnon, c. 45. cf. Appian.)

4173. The ambassador which Mithridates sent to Tigranes was Metrodorus Scepsius who left his philosophy and became a politician. Mithridates had him as such a close friend that he was called the king's father. He was made a judge and it was not lawful for any man to appeal his sentence to the king. Tigranes asked the king's ambassador what he thought of this business of sending forces against the Romans. The ambassador replied:

``As I am an ambassador I advise you to send, as I am a counsellor I am against it.''

4174. Tigranes sent Metrodorus with his answer back to Mithridates but Metrodorus died on the way. Either the king had him killed or he died of some disease, for there was talk of both. Tigranes had informed the king of what Metrodorus had said and thought that Mithridates would never think any the worse of Metrodorus. To express his sorrow for what he had done, Tigranes interred his body very nobly and spared for no cost for him whom he had betrayed when he was alive. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 609, 610. Plutarch in Lucullo.)

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4175. Mithridates sent several generals against Lucullus. They fought some battles but the Romans won most of them. (Memnon, c. 45.) At the first Lucullus was very short of food. There were 30,000 Galatians who followed the camp who were to each bring a measure of grain on their shoulders. After he had marched a little farther, he subdued and plundered all the way. Shortly after this, he came to a country that had not been ravaged by war for many years. A slave was sold for 4 drachmas and an ox for one drachma. Goats, sheep, clothes and other things were equally cheap. They were not able to carry away all the booty because there was so much. Some of it was left behind and the rest destroyed. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4176. After this, Lucullus attempted to subdue Amisus and Eupatoria which Mithridates had built near it. He had called it by his own surname and made it his royal palace. A brigade of Lucullus' army was sent to take Themiscyra that was on the Thermodoon River. They used towers against the Themiscyrians and cast up works and dug such large mines that the sides often fought underground. The townsmen opened their mines from the top and through the holes let down bears, other wild beasts and swarms of bees among the invaders. They met stiff resistance at Amisus. The Amisians fought bravely in their own defence. They sometimes sallied out in force and other times just a few went out. (Appian.)

4177. Lucullus spent much time before Amisus in a long siege. His army began to complain at the delay and grumbled quite a bit that they were not allowed to plunder all the cities they captured. It did not matter whether the city surrendered freely or was taken by storm. Lucullus replied that he had good reasons for drawing out the seige. By this, he hoped to wear down Mithridates' forces little by little. He did not want Mithridates to think he overpowered him lest he go to Tigranes for help and thus make another enemy for them to fight with. Plutarch said Lucullus spoke this:

``It is but a few days march from Cabirae into Armenia where Tigranes lives who is that lazy king of kings. He is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Greek cities into Media, holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus' successors and steals their daughters and wives from their mansions and takes them with him as prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates and is his son-in-law.''

4178. Cotta moved his camp and marched with his Romans first to Prusia which was formerly called Cierus. From there he went down to the Pontic Sea, and passed by the sea coast. He camped before the walls of Heraclea which stood on the top of an hill. The Heracleans did not trust too much the strength of their location. They joined with the soldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned among them and fought against Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. More fell on the Roman side than of the other. However, the Heracleans received many wounds from the Roman arrows. Therefore Cotta gave up the attack and sounded a retreat to his soldiers. He camped farther off and started to besiege the city. When the Heracleans were short of food, they sent their ambassadors to the colonies around them and wanted to buy food. The embassy was well received. (Memnon, c. 49.)

4179. A little before this, Triarius who was equipped with the Roman fleet from Nicomedia, attacked the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent toward Crete and Spain. When he knew that the rest of the ships had returned to Pontus he chased them. Many of them were lost by storms and naval battles in various places. He overtook them at Tenedus and attacked them. Lucullus had 70 ships and the Pontics less than 60. After they had ran violently on one another with their prows, the king's side endured the enemy attack very well for a while. Later they were forced to retire and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory. This was the end of that large fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia. (Memnon. c. 50.)

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4180. Mithridates sent abundant provisions, arms and soldiers to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae. He made Cabriae his winter quarters and levied another army (Appian.) of 40,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Plutarch & Appian) Memnon said there were 8000 cavalry.

4181. Olthacus, whom Appian calls Olcabas, was a Scythian and prince of the Dardarii who live around Lake Maeotis. He was highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel and civil deportment. He was in some of Mithridates' garrisons and contested with some of the princes and his countrymen for superiority. He promised to do a great exploit for Mithridates and would kill Lucullus. The king highly commended him but pretended as if he had been angry with him for it and very formally reproached him. Thereupon he rode off to Lucullus and was treated very friendly by him. (Plutarch.)

4182. The first year of the 177th Olympiad was now approaching. In the spring, Lucullus left Muraena with 2 legions to continue the siege at Amisus. He marched with 3 other legions through the mountains against Mithridates. (Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. l. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.) Muraena was a lieutenant to Lucullus who was the general. He was the son to Muraena, whom Sulla had left as praetor in Asia. Cicero in a speech on his behalf says:

``During the time when he was lieutenant, he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemy forces, took many cities, some by storm, others by siege. He behaved himself so well in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all luxuries that he left not the least hint of his covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war that he did many noble acts without the general's assistance and the general did nothing without him.''

4183. Mithridates had ordered his guards that they might keep Lucullus out and give notice by fires in case any unusual thing should happen. Phoenix, who was one of the royal blood, was in charge of them. According to agreement, he warned of Lucullus' approach, but he and all his forces defected to Lucullus. By this action, the mountains could be crossed safely and Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. (Appian.)

4184. After Mithridates crossed the Lycus River he came into a wide plain and tried to provoke the Romans to fight. (Plutarch.) He sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by daily skirmishes, only tested one another's strength. (Memnon. c. 45.) Later their cavalry fought and the Romans fled. Lucullus was forced to retreat to the mountains. In this fight, Pompey or Pomponius, who was the general of this cavalry, was taken prisoner and brought to Mithridates. He was seriously wounded. When Mithridates asked him that if he allowed him to live, would he be his friend in the future? He replied:

``Truly, I shall, if you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, I shall remain your enemy.''

4185. After this reply, the barbarians would have killed him, but the king would not allow them. He said that he would not allow any cruelty on a valiant man merely because of misfortune. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4186. After this, Mithridates drew his forces into battle array and stood in that posture for many days. Since Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked for a way to march up to him. (Appian.)

4187. In the meantime Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian who had saved many Romans in the last battle of the cavalry was admitted into Lucullus' inner circle at meal time and knew their counsels and secrets. He came with his usual short dagger by his side, to Lucullus, as he was sleeping at noon in his tent. He said he had some matter of great importance to tell Lucullus but Menedemus, Lucullus' chamberlain refused to let him in. Olcabas feared lest he might be questioned and stole away from the camp and rode on horse back to Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.) He revealed to the king another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was immediately seized. (Appian.)

4188. Lucullus was afraid to come down to the plain because the enemy cavalry was too strong. However, he was perplexed about how to pass through the mountainous region which was a long way and full of woods and quite dangerous. By chance, he came upon some Greeks who had hidden themselves in a certain cave around there. The oldest of them was Apollodorus who, as Appian says, was an hunter and knew the mountains well. He guided Lucullus and his army to a place where he might safely camp. It also had a citadel overlooking Cabirae. Lucullus used this guide, kindled fires in the camp and marched away. He went through the woods without any difficulty by an unused path and finally arrived at that citadel. At daybreak, he was seen pitching his tents above the enemy. He chose his place so that if he wanted to fight he could and if not, he could not be forced into a fight. He still avoided the plains for fear of the enemy cavalry and camped where there was plenty of water. (Appian.)

4189. Neither army thought of fighting at present. It is reported that as the king's party was chasing a deer, the Romans came that way and stopped their chase. A skirmish began and more came flocking in from both sides. Finally the Romans fled. Lucullus came down alone to the plain and ran up to the forest from where the Romans came running. He ordered them to stop and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitted to the general and the others stopped also. They rallied together and easily made the enemy flee and pursued them to their very camp. When Lucullus returned from pursuing the enemy, he publicly disgraced those who ran away. He took away their weapons and ordered them to dig a 12 foot trench while all the other soldiers stood by and looked on. (Plutarch.)

4190. When Lucullus ran short of food, he sent a party into Cappadocia to forage. He often skirmished with the enemy until at one time the king's troops began to flee. Mithridates ran from the camp and derided them for fleeing and forced them back again. That put such a dread upon the Romans that they ran back without stopping to the mountains. Although the king's troops abandoned the chase, the Romans were so terrified that they still kept running and thought the enemy was at their heels. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts to tell of his victory. (Appian.)

4191. Sornatius was sent by Lucullus with a legion of foot soldiers to get provisions. He saw Menander, one of Mithridates' commanders and followed after him. He stopped until they came to him. Then he fought with them and killed many and put the rest to flight. (Plutarch.)

4192. After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia to supply the army with food. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates' generals, sent Menemachus and Miron, against him with 4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. They hoped to ambush their wagons as they returned to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 45. Phlegon. year 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch.) Since Cappadocia was the only place where Lucullus might expect supplies, Mithridates hoped to put him in the same distress as he was put in at the seige of Cizycum. (Appian.)

4193. The king's party, attacked by chance a party of the foragers in some narrow passes. They did not wait until they came to a more open place and so the cavalry could not help them. Thereupon the Romans, drew themselves up as fast as they could into battle array. The roughness of the places helped them. They attacked the king's troops and killed some of them and forced others down the precipices of the rocks. The rest fled away. (Appian.) When the Romans, had received some troops from Lucullus, they pursued them to the very camp of Diophantus and Taxiles. In a fierce battle, the Pontics stood their ground for a while. As soon as their commanders began to give ground, the whole army retreated. The commanders were the first that told of this defeat to Mithridates. (Memnon. c. 45.) Plutarch said that all the cavalry and foot soldiers who came with Menemachus and Miron, were killed except for only two. Eutropus wrote that 30,000 of the king's best soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. (l. 6.) Livy stated that Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, and killed more than 60,000 of the enemy. (l. 97.) He took into account those who were killed a little later when Mithridates was made to flee.

4194. Mithridates heard this news before Lucullus did. (Appian.) Adrianus had marched by Lucullus' camp in great pomp and brought along with him a large number of wagons laden with provisions and spoil. This sight depressed Lucullus and his soldiers began to fear and tremble. (Plutarch.) However, the king, was sure Lucullus would suddenly attack him, now that he had lost his cavalry. He began to be afraid and think of fleeing. In his pavilion, he told his friends the fix they were in. They did not wait so long until the trumpet sounded to gather up their baggage and moved all their goods from the camp before daybreak. There was such a company of them that the beasts of burden began to crowd one another. No sooner was this seen by the army who knew the drivers of the beasts of burden and feared for the worse. They were not notified and were quite upset and rushed violently from their trenches. (Appian.) They ran in a great chase to the gates and rifled the packs. They attacked those that were carrying them away and killed them all. Dorylaus the general was killed. He only had a purple garment on his back and was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus, a soothsayer, was trampled to death in the gates. (Plutarch.)

4195. The soldiers ran away over the fields in no order and everyone cared only for himself and did not wait for orders from their generals and commanders. As soon as the king knew of the disorder and speed with which they fled, he ran out of his pavilion. He hoped to say something to them. Nobody would listen but pressed so hard on him that he fell down in the crowd. (Appian.) Memnon wrote that he stayed for some time at Cabirae and later made his escape. (c. 46.) Appian stated that he soon went on horseback and fled away to the mountains with only a small retinue with him. Plutarch stated that Mithridates had not lost a soldier and went from the camp with the other throng. Neither was there any of the king's party which had a horse ready. Finally though late, Ptolemy the eunuch, who had a horse, saw Mithridates tossed to and fro in the fight. He leaped off his horse and offered his horse to the king.

4196. When Lucullus knew of the victory of his foragers and saw the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of cavalry to pursue after them in their flight. He surrounded with his legions those who remained in the camp and had put themselves in a defensive position. He told his troops not to pillage the enemy camp, until such time that they had killed as many of them as they could. When the soldiers saw the gold and silver vessels and the rich garments, they ignored the general's prohibition. (Appian.) The king had been overtaken by a company of Galatians, who had caught up with him in the chase although they would not have known him except for one of his mules which carried the king's treasure. It was placed between the king and his pursuers either of its own accord or by the king's plan to slow them down. For while they were busy in gathering up the gold and quarrelling among themselves about the spoil, the king escaped. (Memnon, c. 46. Plutarch & Appian.) When they had taken Callistratus the king's secretary, Lucullus ordered him brought to the camp. Those who escorted him, found he had 500 crowns in the belt he wore and killed him along the way. (Plutarch.) Cicero wrote this of the escape of Mithridates from Pontus:

``Mithridates fled away and left behind in Pontus, a very large store of gold and silver and other precious things. Part of this he had received from his ancestors and part taken in his first war in Asia and added it to his other treasures. While our men were over busy in gathering up all they found, the king escaped.''

4197. Lucullus came as far as Talaura in pursuing Mithridates. This was now the 4th day and Mithridates had an head start and so escaped into Armenia to Tigranes. (He did not go to Iberia, as it is incorrectly stated in Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.) Lucullus marched back again and gave the soldiers the plunder of the king's camp. (Plutarch.) He sent M. Pompey as commander-in-chief against Mithridates while he, with all his forces, moved to Cabirae. (Memnon. c. 47.) Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) stated the matter in this way.

``After I recruited my army at Cabirae and had many battles between me and Lucullus, both of us were short of food. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes' kingdom of Cappadocia which had not been touched by the war. Since all parts about me were wasted and destroyed, I withdrew into Armenia.''

4198. Mithridates got safely to Comana and from there hurried away to Tigranes with 200 cavalry. (Appian.) He could by no means get his son-in-law to help him for he would not own him, who had lost so great a kingdom, nor much as to come into his fight for him nor acknowledge him as his kinsman. However, Mithridates procured from him a grant for the protection of his person and was assigned a princely table in some of his citadels nor was he lacking such duties of hospitality. (Memnon, c. 48. Appian.) Although, Plutarch wrote that he put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn and Mithridates was cooped up in some remote corner in the swampy and unhealthful places.

4199. When Mithridates was on his flight, he sent Bacchus or Bacchides, one of his eunuchs, to kill any way he could his sisters, wives and concubines, who were kept at Pharnacia. (Memnon. c. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.)

4200. Among these were 2 of the king's sisters, Roxane and Statira who had lived as virgins for almost 40 years. Also were 2 of his Ionian wives, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. Bacchides came to them and told them that they must die but they should have the freedom to choose what kind of death they thought most easy and free from pain. Monima took the diadem from off her head and made it fit for her neck and hanged herself by it. However it broke and she said:

``O thou cursed band, wilt thou not serve for this use?''

4201. Then she kicked it about and spit on it. She exposed her throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poison and gave part of it to her mother who was present there and asked for it. So they drank it both together. The poison did work on the weaker body but it did not kill Berenice since she had not taken her full dose. Therefore when Bacchides saw her in pain and a long while in dying, he strangled her. It is also reported that of those two virgin sisters that Roxane, after many a curse and reproach against her brother drank her poison. But Satiras spoke nothing bitter or unworthy of him but praised him highly in that when he was in danger for his life that he should think of them to provide that they should die free women and not raped. (Plutarch.)

4202. When Lucullus besieged Cabirae, the barbarians surrendered conditionally. He made peace with them and took over their strongholds. (Memnon, c. 37.) After the surrender of Cabirae and many other cities, he found rich treasures and prisons in which were many Greeks and also many of the king's friends locked up. They had long thought themselves as dead men and were released to a new life by Lucullus' favour. Nysa, Mithridates' sister, was found among the rest and freed. (Plutarch.)

4203. Most of the governors of Mithridates' garrisons defected to Lucullus. (Appian.) Among these, was Strabo, the geographer's grandfather, by the mother's side and brother to Moaphernes, the governor of Colchis under Mithridates. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 499.) He defected because Mithridates had recently killed his first cousin, Tibius and his son Theophilus. He was instrumental in the defection of 15 other garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.) Thus Pontus was wide open to the Roman legions which before was blocked on all sides so that the Romans could not enter it. (Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.)

4204. When the Romans had finished their work with Mithridates, they attacked the Cretians, merely from ambition to subdue that noble island. They pretended their reason was that the Cretians favoured Mithridates and had let him have mercenaries for his army against the Romans. Mithridates had entered into an alliance with the pirates whom M. Antionius was chasing at that time. The Cretians had offended Antionius when he was a delegate and had given him two arrogant repliess. Thereupon Antionius soon confidently invaded the island and was so sure of victory that he carried more chains than arms in his ships. However, the enemies intercepted many of his ships and bound those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes and hung them up. In that manner the Cretians hoisted sail and returned back triumphantly to their harbours. Antionius became sick and died thus ending the war which he had started with little success. In spite of that he obtained the surname of Creticus. (Livy l. 97. Flor. l. 3. c. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de pratura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.)

4205. Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius had stayed almost 2 whole years at Rome with his brother and had not yet received a promise from from the senate for those things which he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. On his return home, he journeyed through Sicily and came to Syracuse and stayed in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a candlestick, very elaborately made of bright gems which he intended to bestow in the capitol. Since the temple there was not yet completed, he planned to carry it back again with him into Syria. He would send it back to the capitol by his ambassadors with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter's image which was done in the next year by Q. Catulus. Verres, the praetor of Sicily, cheated him of this candlestick, many other cups of gold inlaid with gems and another cup for wine which was cut from one large gem. When he demanded them back, Verres ordered him to leave the province before night and told him that he had received news that the pirates were coming from his kingdom into Sicily. (Cicero in Verina 6. or l. 4. in Verrem.)

4206. After frequent massacres in Judea by the Pharisees, the old friends of Alexander Jannaeus went to Queen Alexandra and told her what was happening. The leader of them was Alexandra's younger son, Aristobulus. They made their addresses to the court and asked the queen that they might either be all killed there or else that they might be dispersed into various citadels where they might spend the rest of their lives safe from their enemies' treacheries. Thereupon she, for want of better counsel at that time, entrusted them with the command of all the citadels, except for Hircania, Alexandrium and Machaerus. In these places, she had stored her best treasures. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.)

4207. Cotta still besieged Heraclea and had not yet made an assault against it with his whole army. He had only brought up against the town a few of his Romans and placed the Bithynians in the front lines. When he saw how many of them were wounded and slain, he resorted to his engines. None terrified the besieged so much, as the one which they called their turtle, (Latin testudo). This was an engine enclosed with boards and raw hides and under its shelter they might safely scale the walls. Thereupon Cotta brought up all his troops from the camp. He led them up against a tower which they had good hopes of making a breach in. The tower had endured one or two batteries without any damage at all. Contrary to all their expectations, the ram broke off from the engine. The Heracleans were encouraged and Cotta began to despair of ever taking the town. The next day they used their engine again but with little results. Therefore Cotta burnt the engine and cut off the carpenter's head who made it. He left a sufficient guard at the walls of the city and he camped with the rest of his army in the plain of Layca which had plenty of provisions. Thereby he reduced the city to dire need since all the country about Heraclea was utterly destroyed. Thereupon they immediately sent an embassy to the Sevthians, the inhabitants of Chersonesus and to the Theodosians and to the princes about Bosphorus. They wanted to make a league which they agreed to. (Memnon, c. 51.)

4208. While the enemies attacked the city from without, they were almost as badly plagued by disputes among themselves within the town. For Mithridates' garrison was not content to eat what the townsmen lived on. They scourged the citizens, and made them provide things which at that time were quite scarce. Connacorix, the governor, was worse than his soldiers for he did not restrain their insolence but freely permitted them to do what they wanted. (Memnon, c. 51.)

3934a AM, 4643 JP, 71 BC

4209. Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans and the Tibarenians. (Plutarch.) He captured Armenia the less which Mithridates previously controlled. (Plutarch & Eutrop. l. 6.) After he had gone over all Pontus and subdued the province, he came with his fleet to its coastal cities. (Appian.)

4210. Amisus was still besieged. Callimarchus, the governor, had worn out the Romans with his engine devices and his plots. (Plutarch) Lucullus came to besiege them and exhorted them to surrender. When he saw they would not, he moved the siege to Eupatoria and acted as if he had been very careless in attacking them. Those that kept the garrison also became careless and continued still in their false sense of security. Thereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers to quickly scale the walls. So Eupatoria was taken and immediately pulled down to the ground. (Memnon, c. 47.)

3934b AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC

4211. Not long after Amisus was taken, which (as Plutarch confirms from Salust,) had held out for another winter's siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus usually withdrew his soldiers to allow them to refresh themselves, Lucullus scalled the walls with his ladders. (Memnon, c.47 & Plutarch.) When a little part of the walls was taken by the enemy, Callimachus burned the city either from his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty or else contriving by this to escape. For nobody hindered any that would sail away. As soon as the flame caught hold on the walls, the soldiers immediately started plundering. From pity for the burning city, Lucullus tried to stop the fire from outside the walls and ordered his soldiers to help to quench it. None heeded him but shouted and rattled their armour. Hence Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the soldiers that he might save the city from being burnt to the ground. However, they did the exact opposite. When the fire was almost everywhere, the soldiers themselves set fire to some houses. While the city was being taken, the fire was put out by a storm which happened miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he left. (Plutarch,) He prevented his soldiers from any further slaughter of the citizens and he gave both the city and the country to those that survived. (Memnon, c. 47.)

4212. At the same time, Tyrannio the grammarian was taken prisoner. Lucullus did not want to make him a slave and gave him to Muraena who freed him. Tyrannio was a citizen of Amisus by birth as Strabo states, who was one of his students. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 548.)

4213. Selene the queen asked the Syrians to help to drive out Tigranes. She was otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes king of Armenia had not captured. She had some cities of Phoenicia defect from him. Thereupon Tigranes entered Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo.) In this expedition, it is likely that Tigranes recovered those 70 valleys of Armenia which were naturally fortified with hills and mountains. When Tigranes was a Parthian hostage, he gave this to the Parthians as a gift. He wasted the countries of the Parthians around Ninus and Arbela. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) For this undoubtedly was that recent war of Tigranes against the Parthians which is mentioned by Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces the next year (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) and which also Dio affirms.(l. 35. Histories) He stated that a certain disputed country was taken from the Parthians.

4214. In the 9th year of Alexandria, queen of the Jews, Josephus was born to Matthias Curtus, the priest's son. Josephus was the grandfather to Josephus the historian as Josephus states in the beginning of the book of his life.

4215. Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus. He had been a very troublesome neighbour to that city. Alexander marched back again without any results. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.)

4216. About this same time it was rumoured that Tigranes had entered Syria with an army of 500,000 men and that he would suddenly come into Judaea. This news terrified the queen and the Jews. Thereupon they dispatched ambassadors to him with rich presents as he beseiged Ptolemais and captured it soon after. When the ambassadors found him there, they told him the queen and the Jews would deal honestly and fairly with him. He commended them for their coming on so long a journey to do homage to him and wished them all well. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.) Appian wrote that Tigranes overran all the counties of the Syrians on this side of the Euphrates as far as Egypt. (Syriac. p. 118.) Lucullus stated (Plutarch) that he captured Palestine. However, Eutropius stated that he did not march toward Egypt beyond Phoenicia and that Tigranes was master of only part of Phoenicia. (Eutropius l. 6.)

4217. Lucullus sent his wife's brother, Appius Claudius as an ambassador to Tigranes to demand Mithridates from him. (Memnon. c. 48. & Plutarch.) The king's captain brought him through the upper countries by a circuitous and round about way. Finally one of his own free men, a Syrian, showed him the right way. Using him for their guide, they reached the Euphrates River in 5 days and came to Antioch which was called Epidaphne. He was ordered to wait there for Tigranes who was gone to subdue some other cities of Phoenicia which were not yet under his power. He made many of the princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenians heartily, to side with the Romans. Zarbienus king of the Gordians was one of them. (Plutarch.)

4218. Appius promised Lucullus' help to many other cities under Tigranes' control. They had secretly sent ambassadors to him. He ordered them not to rebel at the present time. The Armenians treated the Greeks very badly. The king was worse than the rest and grew more arrogant and conceited with his success. Whatever mortal men wish for themselves and admire, he thought was for him and purposely created for him. Many kings waited upon him as his servants. He had 4 in his retinue as his attendants and guards who on their errands ran on foot by his horse's side. When he sat on his throne and answered questions the countries had asked of him, they stood with their hands clasped together and their fingers folded one within another. This posture more than any other was a sign of their submission to him. (Plutarch.)

4219. L. Motellus was appointed to succeed Verres as praetor of Sicily. (Ascanius in Divinat.) Motellus went against the pirates in Sicily, (not Cilicia, as incorrectly written in Livy's Epitome) and was victorious. (Livy l. 98. Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) When the Sicilians impeached Verres for extortion, Cicero was appointed to represent them. Cicero had a dispute with Hornensius, who was designed consul. (Cicero in Bruio.) In this Q. Cecilius Niger tried his best to prosecute the impeachment of Verres instead of Cicero. Q. Cicilius Niger was Verres' quaestor in that island. He was a Sicilian by descent (as Pedianus noted in Divination adversus Cacilium) and a free man and a Jew by religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero where he relates the jest which Cicero made of Caecilius for being a Jew. It was based on a play on the the word "verres" which means castrated pig in Latin.

``What has a Jew got to do with a pig?''

4220. The passage of Cicero (l. 5. against Verres) shows the condition of things at that time.

``Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle, let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy king, let him speak and think whatever Hortensins would have him.''

4221. This agreed with another passage in an letter which Mithridates wrote the next year to Arsaces. (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

``The Cretians were at that time the only people who retained their freedom and king Ptolemy. A little later Ptolemy delayed the battle he was hired to fight. When the Cretians had been attacked once, they were resolved not to stop until they were utterly defeated.''

4222. By comparing the two passages, we may gather that the Romans used for their own advantage the right which Antiochus Asiaticus claimed to the kingdom of Egypt. They deemed it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called king as long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant tribute. Also that the Romans were fully resolved to start again the first war with Crete which was ended by the death of M. Antionius. This all happened in the following year as we shall see.

4223. Lucullus marched into Asia, which was still in arrears a quarter part of the fruits because of a fine which Sulla had imposed. This tribute was proportioned according to their houses and number of servants. (Appian.) The collectors and money lenders had made such havock of the cities of Asia and had treated them so slavishly. They were compelled to sell privately their sons and their daughters into slavery and sell their ornaments, pictures and images. The end of this was that they became slaves to their creditors.

4224. Lucullus took such an action with those pestilent fellows that within 4 years all obligations were satisfied and possessions were restored free again to their owners to inherit. This public debt was 20,000 talents which Sulla had imposed upon Asia. The creditors were allowed only double the sum which by their usuries had amounted to 120,000 talents. The creditors thought this was too hard a measure and slandered Lucullus at Rome and had the important Romans to be against him. However Lucullus was very well liked by those countries where he had done those good services. He was greatly endeared to all the other provinces who esteemed those people very happy whose lot it was to have such a governor as he was appointed over them. (Plutarch.)

4225. After Lucullus had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws and an universal peace, he relaxed and enjoyed himself. He lived at Athens and he delighted the cities with shows, triumphal feasts, wrestling and fencing. The cities kept the holiday of Lucullia to honour him. He was not as affected by this as the affection they bore toward him. (Plutarch.)

4226. Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena after he kept her securely as a prisoner in the citadel at Seleucia. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749.) Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt by right of his mother, was dispossessed of that part of Syria which she held.

4227. As soon as Tigranes returned to Antioch, Appius the delegate declared publicly that he was come to take Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus' triumph and if Tigranes refused to surrender him, he was to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled with the delegate's outspoken behaviour but held his peace to see what else he would say. In almost 25 years, he had not heard anyone speak freely to him until now. It was for so many years he had reigned or rather played the part of a forager. He replied to Appius that he knew very well that Mithridates was a very wicked man yet he must respect the alliance between them. All the world might well cry out against him, if he should surrender his wife's father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates and if the Romans started a war, he could put up a good fight. He was very offended at Lucullus because in his letter he had greeted him as king only and not as king of kings. Therefore to get even, when he wrote back, he did not address Lucullus by the title of general. Appius returned quickly to the general. Of the many other presents the king offered him, he accepted only one cup of gold. He feared lest he offend the king if he refused all the presents. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749. cf. Memnon, c. 48.)

4228. When Tigranes learned that Zarbienus, the king of the Gordians, had secretly allied himself with Lucullus, he killed him with his wife and children. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

4229. As soon as Appius was returned and the war with Tigranes was planned, Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the victory had been already won. He marched back again into Pontus and camped before Sinope or rather besieged the king's party of Cilicians who were garrisoned there. (Plutarch, in Lucullo. cf. Appian. p. 228.) For as the city was assaulted from outside the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the commander whom Mithridates had appointed to keep the town. The commander was called Cleochares according to Orosius, or Bacchis, according to Strabo. He feared treachery among the citizens and therefore committed various massacres among the citizens. Hence the citizens neither had heart to courageously resist the enemy nor were they in a position to conditionally surrender. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 546.) Memnon said this about that event.

4230. The king had entrusted Leonippus along with Cleochares to defend the city. Leonippus saw that things were hopeless and sent to Lucullus about surrendering the city. However, Cleochares and Seleucus, the chief pirate who was Mithridates' delegate and was in equal authority with the rest, detected a plot. They called a council and accused Leonippus. The citizens paid no attention to the accusation since they had a very high opinion of the man's integrity. Thereupon Cleochares' faction was afraid of his following among the common people and treacherously killed him at night. The common people were deeply disturbed by this. However Cleochares and his party prevailed and did what they wished. They thought that by carrying things with such an high hand, they could escape being calling into account for the murder of Leonippus. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4231. Meanwhile Censorinus, admiral of the Roman fleet, sailed with 15 galleys of 3 tiers of oars which were loaded with provisions. They sailed from Bosphorus for the Roman camp and arrived near Sinope. Cleochares' and Seleucus' Sinopian galleys under the command of Seleucus put to sea and fought with Censorinus. The Italians were defeated and their ships with their provisions were taken away as a prize. Cleochares and his colleague was elevated with this success and behaved more tyrannically than before. They hailed the townsmen to execution without any legal processes and cruelly abused them in other ways. It happened that Cleochares and Selcucus became at odds with each other. Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war but Seleucus wanted to kill all Sinopians and surrender the city to the Romans as a good gratuity. Since they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates' son, who at was at that time living at Colchis. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4232. About that time, Lucullus drew up closer to the city and made a most intense attack on it. Machares, Mithridates' son, sent an embassy to Lucullus and requested a league of friendship between them. The petition was courteously received and he told him that there should be a firm league between them provided that they send no more supplies to the Sinopians. Machares observed this and whatever was intended for the relief of Mithridates' party, he ordered it sent to Lucullus. (Memnon c. 56.) Machares, king of Bosphorus, gave Lucullus a coronet valued at 1000 crowns and was admitted as an ally and confederate of the Romans. (Livy l. 98. cf. Plutarch, & Appian.)

4233. Cleochares and Seleucus saw how things went and knew they were in a desperate condition. Thereupon they massacred many of the citizens and carried an abundance of wealth to their ships. They let their soldiers plunder the town then they burned it. After this they burnt their larger ships and they sailed away by night with the smaller ones to the inner parts of Pontus and lived by the Sanegians and the Lazians. When Lucullus saw the fire he guessed what had happened and ordered his soldiers to scale the walls. As soon as he entered the town, he killed 8000 of the king's party who remained behind. He had great pity on the rest and hurried to put out the fires and restored the citizens' goods. Thus was this miserable city by the hands of friends and foes, ruined by those who came to defend it and preserved by those who came to ruin it. (Memnon, c. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosius l. 6. c. 3.)

4234. The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope and later enfranchising it was this. It was rumoured to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side and spoke these words:

``Go a little forward Lucullus for Autolychus is coming to meet thee''

4235. When he awoke, he could not possibly imagine what this meant. The same day that he took the city, he saw a statue lying by the sea shore in his pursuit of the Cilicians who fled away by ship. The Cilicians planned to have made it their companion in their escape and to that end wrapped it up in clothes and bound it up with cords. They did not have enough time to get it onto the ship. When the Romans unwrapped it, Lucullus saw that it looked like the one who appeared to him in a dream the previous night. Later he learned that it was the statue of Autolychus who was the founder of the city of Sinope. When he heard this, he remembered Sulla's warning who wrote in his commentaries that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain as that which is shown in dreams. (Plutarch, & Appian.) This statue of Autolychus was made by Sthenides. Lucullus took it and Billarus' sphere with him but left all other ornaments of the city behind. (Strabo, l. 12.)

4236. After he was finished at Sinope, he restored Amisus to its inhabitants who fled away in ships. He granted the city the right to use their own laws and gave them their freedom. (Appian.) He repopulated cities for other Greeks, even for as many who wished that favour from him. He added to each city 15 miles of land. Moreover, he was kind to the Athenians who in the time of Sulla had escaped there to live because of Aristion's tyranny. He gave the ones still living clothes and 200 drachmas each and sent them back to their country. (Plutarch.)

4237. Amasea, Strabo the geographer's country, still held out against the Romans, but yielded soon after. (Memnon, c. 56.)

4238. After Cotta had destroyed all around Heraclea, he again attacked the walls. The soldiers lacked enthusiasm for this and he gave up on it. He sent for Triarius and ordered him to quickly blockade the way and intercept the supplies that came by sea for the townsmen. (Memnon. c. 51.)

4239. Triarius came with his 23 ships and 20 Rhodian ships. He sailed with this fleet to Pontus. He notified Cotta of his arrival who drew up his army to the walls of the city and Triarius showed himself at sea. Thereupon the Heracleans were somewhat troubled at Triarius' sudden arrival with his fleet and put to sea with 30 ships. They were not as well manned as they should have been since all the other men were used in defending the city against the enemy's assaults. The Rhodians first attacked the Heraclean ships and 3 Rhodian's ships and 5 of the Heraclean's were sunk. Thereupon the Romans came into the battle. Although they were soundly defeated in the battle, they did more harm than they received from the enemy. At the end, they routed the Heracleans and forced them to retreat back to the city with the loss of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great port and Cotta withdrew his foot soldiers from storming the town. (Memnon. c. 52.)

4240. Every day Triarius' men made their sallies from the port to hinder supplies from coming to the besieged. There was such a shortage of food in the city that a bottle of grain was sold for 80 attics. To make matters worse, a pestilence broke out among them that may have been caused by unhealthy air or a poor diet. They all did not die in the same way but appeared to suffer from different diseases. Lamachus' pangs of death were more violent and tedious than any of the others. This disease raged most among the soldiers of the garrison so that 1000 of the 3000 soldiers died. (Memnon c. 52.)

3935a AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC

4241. Conacorix was now ready to betray the city to the Romans because of the siege. To buy his own safety, he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, helped to effect the plot. He was a great rival with Lamachus in all matters and after Lamachus' death, he was appointed over the garrison. Conacorix did not trust Cotta who was a devious man but told the matter to Triarius. Damopheles was also anxious to complete the matter and arrived at a fair bargain for the surrender. The conspirators thought themselves safe and went about their work. It happened that the conspirators' business became public knowledge. Thereupon citizens came together and called for the governor of the city and then for Brithagoras who was an eminent person of authority among his country men. They earnestly asked Conacorix that he would secure their safety too from Triarius. He was very much opposed to this but he very craftily led the Heracleans on with this flattering words for a while. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4242. Thereupon in the dead of the night, Conacorix shipped all his men and left the town. This was the agreement he had made with Triarius that they would march away quietly with all their baggage. Damopheles opened the gates and let in the Roman army with Triarius. Some of them came rushing in at the gate and others clambered up the walls. When the Heracleans saw that they were betrayed, some of them surrendered and the rest were killed. They plundered their household goods and whatever things they had laid aside in hopes of saving. Indeed; the enemy acted very cruelly against the citizens, for the Romans remembered what great losses they had received in the recent navel battle and what great trouble they had in assaulting the town. In revenge, they did not spare those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places. They slew them near the altars and the temples even though they begged for mercy. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls and dispersed themselves about the country while others were forced to flee to Cotta. (Mennon. c. 53.)

4243. Cotta was told by those that fled to him that the city was taken and many men were killed and the town was plundered. He was upset by this news and in a very great indignation he marched as fast as he could to the city. His army was also very deeply discontented because they had lost the glory of their valiant achievements and were cheated of all their plunder. Thereupon, they attacked most fiercely Triarius' men and outdid one another by killing each other. When Triarius heard of the rebellion, he put an end to the battle by pacifying Cotta with good words and promised faithfully an equal share of all the plunder they had taken in the town. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4244. Cotta was told that Conacorix had seized Teium and Amastus and immediately sent Triarius to recover their cities again from his hands. Cotta stayed at Heraclea and took into his custody those that surrendered themselves and the prisoners. He went on to other matters. All his administration was done very cruelly. He searched up and down in every corner for the wealth of the city. He did not spare the consecrated things. He took down the statues and images even the very good ones and had a good number of them. He carried Hercules from the market place and ripped off his ornaments from the pyramid and various other things from the temple and city that were every bit as rare and beautiful as they. These he put on his ships. For his farewell, he ordered his soldiers to bring fire and they burnt the city in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued after withstanding a 2 year siege. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4245. Triarius arrived at the cities assigned him by Cotta and recovered them when they surrendered conditionally. He allowed Conacorix to sail away who had thought to conceal his betrayal of Heraclea by seizing these two cities. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4246. After Cotta had finished matters he turned over all his foot soldiers and cavalry to Lucullus and dismissed the auxiliaries whom he had from their various allies. Cotta sailed away with his fleet. It happened that part of the fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, was overloaded and sank not far from shore and the other part was dashed against the sands by a contrary north wind and lost much of their cargo. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4247. Lucullus left Sornatius behind with 6000 soldiers to order the province and took along with him 12,000 foot soldiers and less than 3000 cavalry. (2 legions and 500 cavalry according to Appian) He entered Cappadocia where Ariobarzanes was his friend and made very long marches to the Euphrates River where Cappadocia borders Armenia. (Salust. Histor. l. 4. with Nonium, in vos, Naves codicaria. Memnon, c. 58. Plut. Appian.)

4248. At that time in the winter, the Euphrates River was swollen and rough. About evening, the water began to recede and by daybreak the river was running within its own banks. Thereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus. The waters did not go down before but only at the very time he came to allow him an easy crossing. As soon as he had crossed over with his army another favourable prodigy happened. One of the oxen came to Lucullus. These animals were consecrated to the Persian Diana whom the barbarians beyond the Euphrates River worship with high reverence. Those beasts are usually not captured without much trouble. However, this one came of its own accord to him and he sacrificed the bull to the Euphrates River for his easy crossing. He camped there all that day. (Plutarch.)

4249. During the time he marched through Sophenes, he did not offend in any way the inhabitants and they surrendered to him and cheerfully entertained his army. (Plutarch.) He only requested some money from them. The inhabitants of those countries did not like fighting so they would not interfere when Tigranes and Lucullus were fighting. (Appian.)

4250. In those parts there was a citadel, where a great deal of treasure was thought to be stored. The soldiers wanted to attack the place but Lucullus pointed at Taurus which might be seen in the distance and said:

``Let us rather attack that stronghold. What is stored here is only reserved to reward conquerors.''

4251. So they marched on and he crossed the Tigris River and entered Armenia. (Plutarch.)

4252. At the same time as Lucullus invaded Armenia, Alexandra, queen of the Jews, became very sick. Thereupon Aristobulus, her young son, desired the kingdom and stole out in the night and took along with him only one servant. He went to the citadels which his father's friends controlled. Only his wife knew of his plans whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was in command. He received Aristobulus very enthusiastically. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24. cf. Belli. l. 1. c. 4.)

4253. The next day, the queen noticed Aristobulus' absence, but did not think that he plotted to take over the kingdom. When messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this citadel and then of that citadel being seized by her son, then both the queen and the whole country were in confusion. They feared lest if he should takeover the kingdom, he would call them to account for their hard usage of his close friends. It was therefore thought best to secure Aristobulus' wife and children in the citadel which was near the temple. In the meantime, there was a large crowd of men who defected to Aristobulus and hoped to get something by this revolution. He behaved like a king and gathered an army from Mount Libanus, Trachonitis and the neighbouring provinces. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4254. Thereupon Hyrcanus, the high priests, and the elders of the Jews addressed the queen. They desired her advise about this emergency. She told them to do whatever they thought best for the public interest and to use the present strength and treasure of the kingdom for that. She was in such a weak condition of mind and body that she could not help in the public administration. She died not long after this. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4255. Hyrcanus, her oldest son, succeeded her in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad when Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus (later surnamed Creticus) were consuls. (Josephus Antiq. l. 14. c. 1.) His mother in his lifetime had turned over the kingdom to him. However, Aristobulus exceeded him in strength and authority. (Joseph. l. 1. c. 4.)

4256. When the consuls cast lots for their provinces, the managing of war against the Cretians fell to Hortensius. He was more interested in the city and the forum, in which he had the first place after Cicero and freely gave this expedition to Metellus. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

3935b AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4257. When the senate declared war on Crete, the wisest of the Cretians thought it best to send ambassadors to Rome to clear them of all the allegations, to pacify the senate with good words and secure their reconciliation. This was agreed to and they sent 30 of their most eminent men on this embassy to Rome. They hoped that they would obtain a new ratification of their former contract and be thanked for the favour they had showed to their quester and soldiers whom they had taken prisoners in the recent battle with M. Antionius. The ambassadors by privately visiting the senators at their houses, won them over to their side. When they were brought into the senate, they answered the charges against them and recalled the good services they had done and their alliance in war under the Roman general. It was resolved that the Cretians impeachments should be removed and that after this they would be allies of the Romans. However, Lentulus who was surnamed Spinther, had this decree reversed. Thereupon this particular business was debated several times by the senate. It was concluded that since the Cretians had sided with the pirate ships and had shared in the booty, they should send to Rome all their pirate ships even to boats of four tiers of oars. They should also return the ships which they had taken from the Romans. They were to return all prisoners, renegades and the 300 good hostages. Lasthenes, who had fought with Antonius and Panares, also demanded 4000 talents of silver. (Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4258. The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians who were at home. They soon sent one of the consuls to receive what was demanded and if they refused, to wage war with them. It was certain they would not comply. For was it imaginable that those, who, at the beginning, before any such things were exacted from them or before they had obtained a victory, would acknowledge any wrong committed by them? However, now after they had a victory, would they meekly submit to such haughty demands? The Romans knew full well what would be the result and suspected the delegates would be bribed to obstruct the wars. Hence they made a decree in the senate, prohibiting any person from lending the delegates anything. (Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4259. When the Cretians debated the commands of the senate, the most politically astute were of the opinion that every detail should be observed. Those of Lasthenes' faction were somewhat obnoxious and feared lest they should be sent to Rome and there be punished for what they had done. They stirred up the people and exhorted them earnestly to fight for their liberty. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 35.)

4260. When Cotta had returned to Rome, he was highly honoured by the senate and honoured with the surname of Ponticus because he had taken Heraclea. (Memnon. c. 61.)

4261. Mithridates had lived in the parts of Armenia for 20 months and had not yet been admitted to see Tigranes, his son-in-law. At last overcome by his desire to present himself, he met him with a gallant train and received his father-in-law with princely magnificence. Nevertheless, 3 days passed without any conference between them. Later by the sumptuousness of the entertainments, he gave sufficient signs of his affection toward him. (Memnon, c. 57.) Then in the conference which was held very privately at court, they allayed the suspicion of Metrodorus Sceptius and other friends on both sides. So Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus with 10,000 cavalry. (Memnon.)

4262. Lucullus drew up a company of troops against the city in which he was told that Tigranes had secured his courtesans and most of his precious things. (Memnon. c. 58.)

4263. Tigranes hung a man as a trouble maker who brought the first news of Lucullus' coming with his army. After that no one brought him any news. At last when he found it to be true, he sent Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with 2000 (as Appian) or 3000 (as Plutarch has it) cavalry and a vast number of foot soldiers. He was ordered to take Lucullus alive and bring him to Tigranes to deter others from doing the same. (Plutarch and Appian.)

4264. Part of Lucullus' forces were camped and the remainder were on their march when the scouts brought news of the enemy's approach. Thereupon Lucullus feared lest the enemy should attack his men when they were not ready for battle. He halted the march and started to fortify his camp. He sent Sextilius, the delegate, with 1600 cavalry and almost as many foot soldiers with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy. He was not to move until he received word that the camp was thoroughly fortified. However, Mithrobarzanes came so quickly on him that he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes was killed in this battle and most of the rest fled and were killed in the pursuit. (Plutarch.)

4265. Tigranes left Tigranocerta and committed the custody of the city to Mancaeus. He went about the country to levy an army and retreated to Taurus. He made that place his headquarters. (Plutarch cf. Appian.) Lucullus followed him so closely that he could not assemble an army. For he sent Muraena to attack and take all troops he found marching to Tigranes. Sextilius was sent another way to attack a large band of Arabians and to prevent their coming to the king, (Plutarch.)

4266. Sextilius attacked the Arabians before they knew what happened as they were camped. He captured most of them. Muraena marched after Tigranes and overtook him with a very great force in an uneven and narrow dale. Muraena had some advantage by the terrain and he fought with Tigranes who left behind all his wagons and fled as fast as he could. Many Armenians died in the battle but far more were taken prisoners. (Plutarch.)

4267. Sextilius forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta and started plundering the king's palace which was located outside the walls. He made a trench around the city and the castle to place the batteries and undermine the walls. (Appian.) At last Lucullus came to them, and closelt besiege to the city. He thought that Tigranes would not allow him to besiege the town but would come down in a rage to fight him. (Plutarch) The barbarians hindered his actions greatly. They shot many arrows and they shot their naphtha or fire pitch from their engines. This naphtha was a type of a pitchy substance and was so scalding that it burnt all it stuck to. Water would barely quench it. (Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4268. Mithridates sent ambassadors with letters, (as Plutarch states and not in person) and then met with Tigranes (as Appian has it) and warned him not to fight the Romans and to rove around the country with his cavalry. He was to lay it waste if possible and by this deprive the enemy of food. This was what Lucullus did to Mithridates not long ago at Cyzicum and made him lose an army without fighting a stroke.

4269. The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes. Every man of the Medes and Adiabans were brought by their kings. The Arabians also came in numbers from the Babylonian Sea. Many Albans came from the Caspian Sea along with the Iberians, their neighbours who were a free people who lived near Araxes. (Plutarch.) Some came for love of their king and others came because they were induced by gifts. (Plutarch) Others came from fear. (Cicero, in Oratione Maniliana.) For the barbarians thought the Roman army came solely to ransack their countries and their wealthy temple. For this reason many countries including the larger ones went to fight against Lucullus.

4270. These forces came together. At Tigranes' eating tables and council rooms, they talked only of victory and how roughly they would handle the enemy when they had captured them. Taxiles, who was Mithridates' delegate and his assistant, was in danger of losing his head because in a council of war, only he was opposed to fighting with the Romans. He said that the Romans were unconquerable. Mithridates envied the glory of the victory Tigranes would have lest he did not wait until he came and not share with him the glory of the day. (Plutarch.) However Tigranes sent for Mithridates to come quickly to help him. (Memnon, c. 58.)

4271. Tigranes ordered about 6000 soldiers to go and defend the city where his courtesans were kept. These charged through the Roman brigades and got into the town. They found their return trip intercepted by a valley of archers and sent away the king's concubines and his treasures safely by night to Tigranes. At daybreak the Romans and the Thracians fought with those Armenians and killed many of them and took at least as many prisoners. (Memnon, c. 58. & Appian. whose account is corrected from Memnon.)

4272. Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the rest of his army. He was very troubled that he would now only fight with one of the Roman generals, Lucullus, and not with the whole army. Tigranes had in his army, 20,000 archers and slingers, 55,000 cavalry, 150,000 heavily armed foot soldiers who were divided partly into regiments and partly into squadrons and 35,000 who were intended for barricading passes. (Plutarch.)

4273. As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host at Taurus, he viewed from the top of a hill the Roman army which besieged Tigranocerta. The barbarians in the city welcomed the king's arrival with howlings and acclamation. They annoyed the Romans from the top of the walls and pointed to the Armenians on the hill. (Plutarch.)

4274. Lucullus left Muraena with 6000 foot soldiers to continue the siege of Tigranocerta and marched himself against Tigranes having in his army 24 regiments of foot soldiers of about 10,000 men along with all his cavalry, slingers and archers who numbered about 1000. He camped near a river in a large spacious field. (Plutarch.) No sooner had Tigranes seen the Roman camp but he presently mocked their small numbers and reproached them, saying:

``If these men came as ambassadors, there are a large number of them indeed, but if as enemies there is but 40 companies of them.'' (Memnon. c. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4275. As Lucullus was wading with his army over the river, some of his commanders advised him to be careful what he did that day since it was a black or unlucky day on their calendar. For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under Cupidus. Lucullus replied:

``It behooves us therefore to fight more bravely now, if perchance this may make this dismal and black day, a day of happiness and rejoicing for the Romans.''

4276. That day was the day before the nodes of October. (Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camillo & Apophthegmat.) according to the Roman calendar at that time. However, according to the Julian calendar it was July 5th and the the beginning of the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. This is the time of this battle as referred to by Phlegon.

4277. Lucullus knew that his soldiers were afraid of the heavily armed foot soldiers and encouraged them. They would have more trouble in stripping them than in defeating them. He first charged them on the hill and when he saw the barbarians give ground he cried out:

``We have overcome them, fellow soldiers.'' (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

4278. No sooner was Tigranes' right wing forced to flee but the left also began to retreat. In the end, they all turned their backs and so the Armenians fled in confusion and haste. The army was slaughtered. (Memnon. c. 59.) The Romans continued the killing for 15 miles and trampled all along the way on bracelets and chains until night came. They were forced to give up the chase and they started stripping the dead bodies. Lucullus had ordered them not to do this until the enemy was soundly defeated. (Appian.)

4279. Phlegon says Tigranes' forces lost 5000 men and more were taken prisoners. Orosius said (l. 16. c. 3.) that 30,000 men were reported killed in that battle. Plutarch said that more than 100,000 foot soldiers were killed and very few of the cavalry escaped. The Roman army had 5 killed and 100 wounded. Antiochus the philosopher, in his commentary, De Dias, in mentioning this battle says there was never a day like it. Strabo (l. histor.) relates how that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done and jeered themselves for fighting against such cowardly slaves. Livy said that the Romans never in all their history were so outnumbered as 20 to 1. (Plutarch.)

4280. If we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus and Jornandes that Lucullus had 18,000 men in his army, then that number multiplied by 20, would make 360,000 in Tigranes' army, not 150,000 as Plutarch stated but 250,000 foot soldiers according to Appian. He would have not 50,000 cavalry as Appian stated but 55,000 as noted by Plutarch. To this host, Plutarch adds 20,000 archers and 35,000 pages. The total would be 360,000. If this is correct then neither Phlegon's nor Memnon's account are accurate and are far too low. The one assigned to Tigranes' army 40,000 foot soldiers and 30,000 cavalry. The other allowed him a total of 80,000 foot soldiers and cavalry together. As their accounts are underrated so Eutropius is as much overrated. The Clibanarii were cavalry in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (l. histor.. 4. cited by Nonius in Voc. Cataphracti,) Plutarch intimates that Lucullus himself wrote to the senate that Tigranes had in his army only 17,000 of those Clibanarii. So there is no doubt that Eutropius was extremely mistaken in stating that total was 600,000. In Sextus Rufus' Breviary said there were not more than 7500 of those Clibanarii but 120,000 or 130,000 archers.

4281. At the very start of the battle, Tigranes fled from the field and ran as fast as he could to one of his citadels with barely 150 cavalry with him. He found his son as depressed as he was and he took off the diadem and turban from his head and turned his men over to his son. He urged him tearfully to shift for himself if he could devise any possible means which had been tried. The young prince dared not carry those royal ensigns with him but committed them to a most trusted friend to keep for him. It was his friend's misfortune to be taken prisoner soon after this and brought to Lucullus. The soldiers took the turban and the diadem and gave them to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 59. & Plutarch cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.) Lucullus marched back to Tigranocerta and continued the siege with more zeal than before. (Memnon. c. 59.)

4282. Mithridates did not hurry to the battle for he thought that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution and delay as he did before. Based on this when he was sent for by Tigranes, he was not very fast in coming. Soon after, he came upon by chance in the way some Armenians. They were terrified and ready to fall down for fear. Mithridates suspected everything was not well with Tigranes' side. Soon after this, he met with other companies of stripped and wounded and was told of the great defeat. Mithridates hurried as fast as he could to find Tigranes. When he found him desolate and depressed, he did not gloat over his misfortune. He dismounted his horse, and after mutually bemoaning each other's sad misfortune, Mithridates turned over to him his own princely retinue who attended him and encouraged him for the future. (Plutarch.) After he cheered him up a bit, he gave him royal robes as rich as anything he had ever worn. He made also some proposals concerning levying new forces. Since Mithridates already had a considerable army, he said there would be another battle to reverse this misfortune. Tigranes ascribed more prowess and discretion to Mithridates and thought he would be better to deal with the Romans than himself. Therefore Tigranes put Mithridates in charge of the war effort. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4283. Mancaeus saw from the walls of Tigranocerta the sad view of his defeated friends. He started to disarm all the Greek mercenaries because he suspected they would not remain loyal. They feared lest they should be laid hold on and took precautions and drew themselves up into a body and so remained together day and night. When they saw Mancaeus marching against them with his armed barbarians, they wrapped their clothes about their arms for bucklers and bravely charged them. Now that they had enough weapons, they seized some forts on the walls and they called in the Romans that besieged them and received them into the town. (Appian & Plutarch) Dio (l. 55) related that most of the inhabitants were Cilicians. When they had a disagreement with the Armenians, they let the Romans into the town by night who plundered everything except what the Cilicians owned. However, Memnon stated that when Mithridates or rather Tigranes' commanders saw how desperate things went on their side, they conditionally surrendered the town to Lucullus. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4284. After Lucullus had captured Tigranocerta and taken the king's treasures which were there, he let his soldiers plunder the city. In addition to what else they found, they found 8000 talents of coined money. Moreover Lucullus gave from the spoil 800 drachmas to every soldier. He found many players which Tigranes had brought there from all over. Tigranes was about to dedicate the theatre he had built. Lucullus used them for his interludes and triumphs. (Plutarch) He preserved many wives of the chief officers from harm who were taken. By that means he won their husbands to his side. (Dio. l. 35.) He outfitted the Greeks for their journey back into their country. He allowed the Cappadocians, Cilicians and other barbarians who were forced there, to also return home. So it happened, that by the ruin of one city (for the works was only half finished and Lucullus had demolished them and left only a small village) many cities received back their former citizens and hence many cities were restored. These cities esteemed him later as their founder, (Plut. with Strabone, at end l. 11. p. 532. & l. 12. p. 539.)

4285. Ambassadors came there from almost all the east begging his friendship. (Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) The countries of the Sophenians allied themselves to him. Antiochus, the king of the Commagens (which is a country of Syria located by the river Euphrates and Taurus) also came. Alchaudonius, a petty prince of Arabia and some others sued for peace through their ambassadors and Lucullus received them. He added a large part of Armenia to Rome. (Plutarch. & Dio. l. 35.)

4286. C. Metellus went with 3 legions to the Cretian war and defeated Lasthenes near the city of Cydonia. He was called emperor and destroyed the whole island with fire and the sword. He forced the Cretians into their citadels and cities (Florus l. 3. c. 7. Phlegon year 4. Olymp. 174. with Photium. Appian legat. 30.) and refused to make peace with them.

4287. Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy was born at Auletta. She was the last queen of Egypt of the Macedonian family and lived 39 years. (Plutarch in Antonia.) Tigranes and Mithridates went around various countries and raised another army which was placed under the command of Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4288. Magadates, who managed the army in Syria for 14 years for Tigranes, brought it to the help of his king. By this act Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Silena, obtained the kingdom of Syria with the help of the Syrians. He was surnamed Asiaticus because he was educated there. Lucullus, who had recently defeated Tigranes, did not interfere with his actions in Syria. (Appian in Syriac. p. 118, 119, & 133.) However, Strabo (l. 11 fin.) wrote that Lucullus drove out Tigranes, from Syria and Phoenicia and after he defeated Tigranes, Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, (or rather his grandchild by his son) was called king of Syria until Pompey took that away from him which Lucullus had given to him. Justin (l. 40. c. 2.) stated that 4 years elapsed between the time he received it and the time it was taken away by Pompey.

4289. Tigranes and Mithridates sent ambassadors begging aid from their neighbours and of Arsaces the Parthian King. They condemned the Romans and suggested that when they were destitute and forsaken by others, the Romans had conquered them. After that they would attack him. (Dio. l. 35.)

4290. Arsaces was called this because it was the common name of the kings of Parthia. His proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus but he was called Phradates from Memnon. Phlegon Trallian (in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97.) stated that in the year before which was in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased king of the Parthians. However Dio stated Phraates succeeded Arsacus. Appian said he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see was correct. Arsaces had ruled the empire for 6 years before the 3rd war of Mithridates started. These words are mentioned in a letter he wrote to the same man (of which we shall say more later) to prove this:

``You are far removed and all others are obnoxious, so I again renewed the war.''

4291. From this we conclude that his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

4292. This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for starting a new war about a certain country that was in dispute between them. Tigranes gave this country back to him again. Moreover the Parthian also wanted to have the great valleys of Mesopotamia and Adiabene given to him as the reward for his alliance. However, when Lucullus knew of the embassy that Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some ambassadors. They threatened Arsaces if he assisted Tigranes and made promises to him if he would side with the Romans. Lucullus' ambassadors urged him to either help the Romans or remain neutral. Arsaces secretly promised friendship to both sides and performed it to neither. (Memnon c. 60. Plutarch. & Appian & Dio. 35.)

4293. Among the remains of the 4th book of Salust's History, there is an entire letter of Mithridates that was sent to Arsaces about this very affair. In it he seemed to turn the indignation Arsaces had against Tigranes for waging the recent war to his own advantage. He said:

``For being guilty you shall receive what alliance you please''

4294. He excuses the great victory the Romans had against him by saying:

``They forced the multitude into such narrow places that they attributed their victory to their own strength which indeed was but his imprudence.''

4295. Later Mithridates stirred up Arsaces against the Romans by saying:

``You to whom Seleucia is the greatest city, the kingdom of Persia and very great riches do belong, what can you look for but deceit for the present and war for the time to come? The Romans have war everywhere, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoil. They invade and they beguile. One war leads to the occasion for another. By those means (being made great) they either thwart the designs or destroy those that fight with them. This is not difficult if you in Mesopotamia and surround in Armenia their armies while they are without food and relief, &c. You shall bravely have the reputation to have assisted great kings and to have suppressed great robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, unless you had rather by our ruin enlarge one empire than by our friendship become a conqueror yourself.''

4296. As soon as the unwelcome news of what M. Cotta had done at Heraclea arrived at Rome, he was a public disgrace and his great riches increased their envy. To avoid this he brought back most of the spoils to the treasury. However, the Romans were just as suspicious in that they suspected he restored just a few things from that great abundance he had taken. They also learned that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddenly to be freed by a public decree. (Memnon c. 61.)

4297. Moreover, Thrasymedes from Heraclea publicly accused Cotta before an assembly and praised the benevolence of his city to the Romans. He showed that if they had anyway transgressed, it was not done by the consent of the city but by the fraud of their magistrates and the power of their adversaries. He cried as he told them about the burning of the city and tearfully told them how Cotta had plundered all for his private gain. There came also a large number of men and women captives with their children. They came clothed in mourning clothes and kneeled down and with many tears held up their hands. The Roman nobles were inclined to sympathise with their case when Cotta came. After he had pleaded a little in his own language, he returned. Carbo arose and said:

``We O Cotta gave you commission to take, not to destroy the city.''

4298. After him others arose and made similar statements and expressed their indignation against him. Therefore, many thought he should be banished. In the end, they only took away his dignity. They restored their lands, sea and harbours to the Heracleans on the condition that none of them should be made slaves. (Memnon c. 61.)

4299. After this was over, Thrasymedes sent back the people to their country but he stayed with Brithagora and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome. They did those things required to represent their country. (Memnon c. 62.)

4300. Lucullus was condemned by strangers and by his own citizens in that he would not pursue Tigranes but allowed him time to escape when he might easily have subdued him. They thought he wanted to prolong his own command. Therefore the government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the praetors. (Dio, l. 35.)

4301. Lucullus went to the Gordyens and attended the funeral of their king Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed. Zarbienus had secretly entered into a league with Lucullus. Lucullus lit the fire to the pile of wood that was decorated with royal robes, gold and the spoils had been taken from Tigranes. At the funeral with his friends and kindred, Lucullus declared him his friend and a confederate of the Romans. He commanded a beautiful monument to be paid for from the king's treasury and dedicated to him. By this the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their houses and have followed him with their wives and children. (Plutarch.)

4302. In the courts of Zarbienus, they found much silver and gold. In his granaries, there was stored 3 million medimni, or 18 million bushels of grain. The soldiers were supplied by this and it was a great honour for Lucullus that he had taken nothing from the treasury, but financed the war from the spoils of the war. (Plutarch.)

4303. Lucullus welcomed ambassadors from Arsaces, the king of the Parthians and they desired his friendship and alliance. He sent Sicilius or Sextilius to Arsaces. However, Arsaces suspected from his expertise in military matters that he was sent to spy out the military strength of the land than to confirm the treaty. He did not give any help to the Romans but remained neutral in the war. (Plutarch with Dione, l. 35.)

3936a AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4304. When Lucullus had learned that Arsaces was wavering in his loyalty and that he desired secretly from Tigranes, Mesopotamia for a reward for his friendship, Lucullus decided to treat Tigranes and Mithridates as defeated enemies. He hurried to march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his ambassador there and to several others that they would bring the forces they had there to him as if he had been ready to advance from the country of the Gordyens against the Parthians. However, their soldiers were obstinate and could not be persuaded. They said that if they were left there without help, they would depart to Pontus. Lucullus' soldiers were corrupted by this news. They saw their riches and luxury and desired ease and hated the severity of war. However, as soon as they understood the fury of the Pontics, they said those were fit to be imitated and esteemed. They said they had already merited their rest and discharge by their many achievements. Hence Lucullus was forced to forgo his expedition into Parthia. (Plutarch.)

3936b AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4305. Furthermore the island of Delos which is located in the Aegean Sea, was a main centre for merchants. The island was full of riches yet it is small and without a wall yet it was secure and feared nothing. (According to Cicero in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The pirate, Athenodorus, captured it and carried the inhabitants captive and destroyed the images of their gods. However, Caius Triarius repaired the ruins and built a wall around it, (Trallianus Phlegon l. 5. Chronicles), in the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. (In Bibliotheca, Phocii, cod. 97.)

4306. Mithridates levied troops from every town and called a muster and determined that the entire force was almost all Armenians. From this he selected 70,000 foot soldiers and half as many cavalry and sent the rest home. He had arranged them into companies and troops according to the Italian discipline and he had the Pontics train them. (Appian.)

4307. In that year when Q. Marcius held the office of consul alone, Lucullus could not attack Tigranes until the middle of summer because it was too cold before that. After he had passed the Taurus Mountain and saw the green fields, he was astonished that the season was so late there because of the cold. Nevertheless, he came down into the plains, and after being attacked by the Armenians in 2 or 3 battles, he routed and dispersed them. (Plutarch. with Dione, l. 35.) While Mithridates remained on a hill with the foot soldiers and part of the cavalry, Tigranes with the rest attacked the Roman foragers and he was defeated. After this the Romans got their provisions with more security. They moved their camp nearer to Mithridates (Appian.) and intercepted the supplies for Tigranes. They caused great hardship on the enemy because of lack of provisions. (Plutarch.)

4308. Lucullus destroyed one part of the country and thought that the barbarians would be goaded into fighting for it. When he found that they would not, he marched out against them and his cavalry was distressed by the enemy cavalry. There was no conflict with the foot soldiers. Lucullus came in with his shields to their relief and scattered the enemy. The enemy was not greatly harmed by the encounter but shot their arrows back toward those that pursued them. Many were killed and wounded. The wounds were very serious and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point. They were so placed that they were lethal whether they were pulled out or left in. (Dio.)

4309. In Crete, Lasthenes the governor of Cydonia was besieged by C. Metellus the proconsul. Lasthenes had fled from there to Gnosus and Panares, another governor of the city, made peace and surrendered the city to Metellus. Metellus later besieged Gnosus and Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house and burned it and fled from Gnosus. (Appian. Legat. 30.) Gnosus, Lyctus and Erithraea along with many other cities were taken by Metellus. (Livy, l. 99. Florus. l. 3. c. 7. Appian Legat. 30.) The Cretians were besieged by Metellus for a long time and brought to great extremity. They were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urine and their cattle's urine. (Valer. Max. l. 7. c. 6.)

4310. Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes' court, where his wife and children were. Tigranes could not stand for that and raised his camp, and after four days march came and camped by the Romans. The Arsamia River was between them which the Romans had to cross to attach Artaxata. (Plutarch.)

4311. After Lucullus had performed his sacrifice to his gods, he drew out his army, as if he had been certain of victory. He placed 12 cohorts in the front, he held the rest for reserves lest they might be surrounded by the enemy. The enemy had a large number of cavalry. Before the cavalry were the Mardian and Iberian lancers that used arrows also an horseback. Tigranes trusted these the most as the most valiant among his strangers. However, they did nothing remarkable and only skirmished for a while with the Romans. They were not able to endure the force of the legions and they ran away and had the cavalry follow them. (Plutarch.)

4312. As soon as they were dispersed and Lucullus saw Tigranes' cavalry advance, he kept his soldiers back from chasing the fleeing troops. He suspected Tigranes had a large number of well trained cavalry. In the meantime with those nobles and officers he had around him, Lucullus marched up against them that came towards him. The enemy was terrified and fled before they started to charge. Of the 3 kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, the king of Pontus, ran away most shamefully and did not so much as endure the shout of the Romans. The Romans pursued them all night and were weary of killing and taking prisoners and were tired with taking and carrying away their money and spoil. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this the best soldiers and a large part of the enemy were taken or slain. (Plutarch.)

4313. The pirates were at this time so powerful that they covered the whole sea. They intercepted provisions intended for the fleet and would land and destroy provinces and islands. The Romans, who had conquered the whole world, did not control the seas. (Plutarch in Pompey, Appian. in Mithri. Dio l. 36. Eutrop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) The next year, Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law reminded them of this:

``What confederate have you defended? Who was protected by your ships? How many islands do you think are deserted? How many cities are either forsaken for fear or taken by pirates from your friends? It was the ancient custom of the Romans to wage war far from home and rather use their forces in the defence of their friend's fortunes than of their own. Shall I say for these many years your sons have been a help to your friends and though our army was at Brundusius, they dare not plant but in the midst of winter? Why should I complain when they were taken that came to us from abroad when the very ambassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed. Shall I say the sea is not safe for our merchants when 12 of our guard (there were two praetors Sexilius and Bellino taken, according to Plutarch) fell into the hands of the pirates? Why should I remind you of Colophon and Samos, the two noble cities or of many more that have been taken when you know your own harbours and those very parts you inhabit yourselves have been taken by those enemies. Where was this government, when the Roman ambassadors, praetors and questers were intercepted, when public and private commerce from old provinces was forbidden us, when the merchanise was so confined that we could have no trading either in private or in public?''

4314. He expressed this, as all other things most elegantly.

4315. The common base of these pirates was Cilicia which was called "the rough" and was the main base for their activities. They had in every place citadels, towers and deserted islands and secret creeks for their ships. More especially they that came from this part of Cilicia which was called "the rough." It had no harbours and had very high rocks rising from the shore. From this, by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians. This evil which started in Cilicia, attracted the Cyrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Pontics and all the eastern countries together. Because of Mithridates' war, they were more inclined to do mischief then to endure it. They exchanged the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. (Appian p. 234.)

4316. They had more than 1000 places and 400 cities that they had taken. They pillaged the temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus and Samothrace that were sacred and untouched before. They plundered that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapious at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calauria, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Juno in Samos Argin and Lucanium. They performed some rites of strangers in Olympus and some secret mysteries of those who worshipped the sun. They went out of their way to insult Romans. If any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently feigned fear and knocked their knees together and falling down at his feet and humbly implored his pardon. While he imagined them real and sincere, some of them furnished him with shoes, others with garments lest he should be otherwise any longer unknown. When they had mocked and deluded the man for a long time, they put down a ladder into the sea and they bade him go down in safety. If he refused, they threw him down headlong and drowned him. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

3937a AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4317. About the autumnal equinox severe storms unexpectedly struck Lucullus' army. It snowed for the most part and froze when it was clear. The ice was troublesome for the frozen rivers gave them little water for the horses. If they broke the ice, the pieces hurt their legs and made it difficult to cross. The country was forested and they were daily covered with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest inconveniently in the wet. Therefore, they petitioned Lucullus through their tribunes and later there was a riot in the night. Lucullus begged them earnestly but in vain and beseeched them that they not give up until they had destroyed the greatest work of their enemy the Armenians, since Carthage was taken. It was reported (See note on 3816c AM <<3151>>) that Artaxata was built by the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian. He failed and was forced to retreat. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Concerning this retreat of the Roman army, Cicero tried to excuse in his speech for the Manilian law in this way:

``Although our army had taken a city in Tigranes' kingdom called Tigranacerta and had fought several successful battles, yet were they discouraged by the tediousness of their march. I will not say any more here. The result was it was complained, our soldiers' return from those places was more sudden than their march was long.''

4318. Lucullus returned through Armenia to Mesopotamia and past Taurus in another place. He descended into the country of Migdonia which was a very warm and fruitful country. It contained a large and populous city called by the barbarians, Nisibis, by the Greeks, Antioch Migdonica. (Plutarch in Lucullo with Orosio l. 6. c. 3.)

4319. The city was built by the Macedonians (Joseph. l. 20. c. 2.) but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians. He had placed his treasure and many other valuable things there. It was surrounded with a double brick wall of large thickness and a ditch so deep and broad that the wall could neither be shaken nor undermined. (Dio. l. 35.) Guras, Tigranes' brother, was commander-in-chief and under him was Callimachus. He had performed noble exploits at Amisus was respected as a person of great knowledge in fortifications and of much experience in war. (Plutarch.)

4320. Lucullus besieged the city with all manner of engines. (Plutarch.) In the beginning of the winter the barbarians thought themselves certain of victory and began to be careless. The Romans had already departed. Lucullus returned one night when the moon was not out and a fierce thunder storm was going on. The barbarians could neither see nor hear what was happening. For that reason they left only a few there and had almost deserted the outer wall and the ditch between the walls. Lucullus by his works, easily scaled over the wall and killed without much trouble those few sentinels he found. He filled up part of the ditch with earth that he threw in for they had before this thrown down their bridges. When the enemy could not harm them with their arrows nor fire because of the rain, he captured the ditch and immediately captured the city. Their inner walls were not made so strongly because they placed most of their confidence in the outer wall. (Dio.)

4321. Those that fled into the castle, he received upon terms. (Dio.) Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendered and was treated civilly. Lucullus put Callimarchus in chains to be punished even though he promised to show him where large sums of money were hidden. Callimarchus had burnt Amisus and robbed Lucullus of his glory and ruined that thing which should have been his gift to the Greeks. (Plutarch.) Much money was later found and Lucullus wintered at Nisibis. (Dio.)

4322. In the meantime, those who had influence in the assembly and envied Lucullus, charged that he had prolonged the war from covetousness and desire of command. One said Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia and all the provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered. Now Lucullus was only foraging in Tigranes' countries as if he had been sent to plunder princes rather than to vanquish them. It is reported that Lucius Quintius one of the praetors spoke this and persuaded the people of Rome to order another commander to replace him and disband many of those soldiers that had served faithfully under him. (Plutarch.)

4323. In Lucullus' camp, P. Clodius was a man of great insolence and dissoluteness and greatly disturbed the camp. He was brother to Lucullus' wife, with whom (she was a lascivious woman) he was said to be intimate. Lucullus removed him from his command because he degenerated so much by his behaviour. Clodius stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him. By this we mean those that he had brought from Fimbria who killed L. Val. Flaccus, the consul and wanted to command them. When these men were seduced by Clodius, they would not follow Lucullus against Tigranes or Mithridates. Since it was winter, they extended the time at Gordyene and expected another commander to come and replace Lucullus. (Plutarch.)

4324. When Lucullus was besieging Nisibis, Tigranes thought the city was invincible and did not go to its relief. He sent Mithridates into his own country while he marched into Armenia. For a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, until Lucullus heard of this and marched to his rescue. (Dio. l. 35.)

4325. Mithridates marched into Pontus which was the only kingdom that he had left. He had 4000 of his men and 4000 from Tigranes. (Appian.) He invaded one of the Armenian's and other countries and suddenly attacked many straggling Romans and killed them. He fought fairly and defeated and recovered many places quickly. The men were inclined to him because he was born in that country and his father had ruled there before. They did not like the Romans because they were strangers and some of their governors were tyrants. Hence they came freely to Mithridates. (Dio.) Concerning this Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law said:

``Mithridates had now gotten his own soldiers and those who had joined themselves to him from his kingdom along with large numbers from foreign countries and kings. He was reenforced in this by what we have heard indeed does frequently happen, that a prince's calamities do easily generate compassion from most men. This is especially true if they be either king's themselves or live under his government because the name of a king is very reverend and sacred. By this he has done more by being defeated than if he had been victorious in all that he did.''

4326. Mithridates defeated M. Fabius whom Lucullus had left as governor of those parts. He was helped by the Thracians, who were angry with Fabius although they had been paid by him previously. The slaves in the Roman camp also helped defeat the Romans. (Dio. cum Appian.)

4327. Fabius had sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returned with imprecise information. Fabius advanced without due care and was suddenly attacked by Mithridates. At that time the Thracians revolted and attacked the Romans. They were routed and 500 were killed. After that, Fabius feared all the slaves that were in his camp, when Mithridates promised liberty to the slaves. They also defected to his side and would have doubtlessly killed all the troops of Fabius had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee. Because of that he was hit under his eye with an arrow and he was suddenly carried off the field. While the barbarians were taking care of their king, Fabius used the opportunity to safely retreat with the rest of his men. The Agari were a people of Scythia who were well skilled in medicines made from the poison of serpents and for that reason they were always near the king. They had the care of the king. (Iid. inter se callati.)

4328. After this Fabius was besieged in Cabiris and was relieved by C. Triarius as he was marching that way from Asia to Lucullus. He knew of Mithridates' success and he assembled as many troops as he could and terrified Mithridates so much that he moved his camp. Mithridates imagined that he had the entire Roman army with him. This encouraged Triarius and he pursued them into the country of the Comagenus, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, which Dio says more on later.) He fought and defeated them. Mithridates had camped on one side of a river and the Romans came down on the other. Mithridates hoped he might find them weary after their march and he immediately advanced and ordered the rest to attack over another bridge while they were fighting. They had fought a long time and the battle was indecisive. The bridge collapsed because so many men had crossed over it and this prevented Mithridates' troops from helping him. Hence Mithridates was defeated. Since it was now winter, both sides established their winter quarters after this battle. (Dio. c. 35.)

4329. Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, prevailed with the people that a commander might be chosen from those who had been consuls. He would have full and absolute power against the pirates and his command would last for 3 years. He would be furnished with very large forces and many delegates. It is not certain whether Pompey put him up to this (even though he did not ask for Pompey) or this was his own idea to ingratiate himself to Pompey. Gabinus was a very wicked man and whatever he did was not for the benefit of the republic. (Dio. l. 36.) Cicero in his speech about him after his return to the senate said:

``Who, had he not been protected by his being a tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the praetor, the number of his creditors, nor the proscription of his goods. At that time, had he not got that order concerning the war with the pirates, necessity and wickedness would have constrained him to become a pirate himself. This would have been less dangerous and detrimental to the commonwealth since their adversary would have been from without not within.''

4330. The senate confirmed this order of the people although against their will. (Dio l. 36.) Velleius Paterculus, (l. 2. c. 31.) related that like in a war and not as like common thieves the pirates had frightened the whole world with their ships. This was not by any sudden or secret expedition of theirs. Moreover they destroyed some cities in Italy. Cnaeus Pompey was sent to suppress them and had an equal authority with the proconsuls within 50 miles of the sea. By this decree of the senate, the government of the whole world was placed on one man. However, the same thing was decreed 2 years earlier in the praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius states. However, it seems to me that it should rather be 6 years earlier than 2 since it appears that M. Antonius died 3 years before in the Cretian war and that Marcus Antonius died in the Cretian war 2 years earlier and that "the great care of all the sea coasts within the Roman empire", was committed to him in the consulship of Lucullus and Cotta. Asconius Pedianus, in his speech of Verres' praetorship in Sicily has stated this. (See note on 3930 AM <<3624>> and 3934 AM <<3727>>.)

4331. By this Gabinian law, for 3 years Pompey had the command of the navy and (as Plutarch says) over all men in the provinces within 400 furlongs (50 miles) of the sea in all the Mediterranean. Around it, he had the power to command all kings, governors and cities to help him. Appian (p. 235.) said it was 50 miles while Velleius and Plutarch said it was 400 furlongs, allowing 8 furlongs to a mile. Xiphilinus (Dion l. 6.) says it was 400 furlongs and from (Dion l. 35.) said it was 3 days' journey from the sea. They considered a day's journey to be 133 furlongs or about 16 miles.

4332. By the same law, Pompey had the power to choose 15 deputies from the senate. He would assign these the charge of various provinces. He might take also from the treasury as much money as he needed. He could take 200 ships and levy what forces he pleased. He called an assembly of the people and he prevailed with them for much more and doubled his preparation. He outfitted 500 ships although Appian said he had only 270 including the smaller vessels. He raised 120,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry (4000 according to Appian). He chose from the senate, 24 captains for the troops (25 according to Appian) and made them officers under him. He had two quaesters given to him and 6000 Attic talents. The job seemed so considerable to pursue so many navies in so large a sea. There were many hiding places where they could escape to if attacked and launch an attack suddenly from later. (Appian.)

3937b AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4333. Pompey was very well supplied with his own ships and his confederates from Rhodes. He controlled both sides of the sea with his commanders and through them he boxed up the pirates in every port, bay, creek, recess, promontory or island. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6.) He gave ships, cavalry and foot soldiers along with the praetorian standards to those officers he had chosen from the senate when he had settled matters at sea. Everyone of them had absolute authority in that place where they were assigned to. Those pirates that were taken by one party were turned over to others lest any should have too long a pursuit or by sailing too far away, they might prolong the war. (Appian.)

4334. The Gaditane Straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain. Cratilius blocked up the Ligurian Sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the emperor) the Adriatic, Sardinia, Corsica. The adjacent islands were controlled by Publ. Attilius, the Libyan area by Lentulus. The Egyptian area was controlled by Marcellius and Lu. Gelliuis had the command of the Tuscan Sea and the coasts of Italy. C. Lentulus controlled all between Sicily and Epirus. The Ionian Sea was assigned to Plothus Varo and Terentius Varo. He was the most learned of the Togati of whom Pliny said (l. 3. c. 11 & l. 7. c. 30. & l. 16. c. 4.) that he was presented with a naval crown by Pompey for his efforts in this war. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Boeotia. L. Cullius was given all the Aegean Sea and the Hellespont, although Florus assigned the Asiatic to Caepio. Metellus Nepos was given Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus and Phoenicia. P. Piso was assigned Bithynia, Thracia and Porcius. Cato besieged the straits so tightly with his ships that he blocked up the Propontis as if it had been a gate. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Appian. p. 236.) Pompey, like a king of kings, overlooked all and required everybody to stay in their areas lest while he found the pirates defeated in one place, he would be attacked from another area. He ordered that while all were ready to relieve one another, they should not allow the enemy to escape by sailing around. (Appian. p. 236.)

4335. When his forces were dispersed in this manner through the whole sea, Pompey began from the lower part and surrounded the enemies' navy and dragged them as with a net into their harbours. Those who escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide themselves like bees to a hive. (Plutarch in Pompey.) In 40 days, he with his officers had cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican and Sicilian seas. He returned to Rome and he did what he wished. (Plutarch in Pompey & Livy l. 99.& Appian. p. 236.)

4336. Pompey sailed from Brundusium with 60 very good ships to start the war in Cilicia. The enemy prepared to fight him not because they thought they could beat him but they were very oppressed and had little to loose. They only attacked once and then found themselves surrounded. They threw away their arms and oars and with a general shout as a sign of their submission, they begged their lives. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Plutarch & Appian.) Cicero affirmed this in his Manilian speech that in 51 days after, he sailed from Brundusium, he had brought all Sicily in subjection to the Romans. This story of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time should be considered as a rhetorical device to praise Pompey. (See note on 3941 AM << >>.)

4337. After news came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius and was marching against Sornatius and Triarius, the Fimbrian (or Valerian), the soldiers were ashamed and followed Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the meantime when Manius Acilius Glabro and Cai. Piso were consuls, camped opposite Triarius near Gaziursa. He tried to provoke him to fight by training and exercising his men in the sight of the Romans to engage him before Lucullus came. He hoped to defeat the Romans and recover the remainder of the kingdom. Mithridates was not able to draw him out so he sent some of his men to Dadasa to besiege a citadel which the Romans had left behind them. He hoped that the Romans would come to its relief so he could attack them. Triarius was not fooled for he feared the number of troops Mithridates had and expected that Lucullus whom he had sent for, would come soon. Hence he stayed in his camp. When his soldiers heard that Dadasa was besieged, they were afraid of losing the goods they had there. In a rebellious manner they threatened that unless he would lead them out, they would go to defend them without his permission. By this he marched out against his will. (Dio. l. 35.)

4338. When Triarius had come out against Mithridates, there was a violent storm that was worse than anyone could remember. It blew over the tents in either camp, drove the cattle from the way and knocked down some of the soldiers from the hills. This storm made both sides retire. When it was told Triarius that Lucullus was near, he attacked Mithridates' camp before day as if he desired to snatch the victory from Lucullus. After they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the king trusted his own wing and at length prevailed and pressed upon the enemy. He forced their foot soldiers into a dirty ditch where they were cut down because they had poor footing. Mithridates lost only a few men. After his victory, he courageously pursued their cavalry through the fields, until a Roman centurion, running like a servant by his side as fast as his horse, gave him a deep wound in his thigh. The centurion could not kill him because of his breastplate and was quickly killed by Mithridates' troops. Mithridates was carried into the farthest part of the army. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.)

4339. After this, the king's friends sounded a retreat and called back the soldiers from this notable victory. This was unexpected and made fearful lest some bad had happened somewhere else. They gathered tumultuously around the body of their king. Finally Timothy the physician stopped the bleeding and held him up on high in their sight. Except for this accident, the Romans would have been utterly destroyed but escaped by this delay. When Mithridates came his senses, he reproved them that sounded the retreat. The same day Mithridates broke camp and marched against the Romans. The Romans were very afraid and utterly deserted. More than 7,000 soldiers were killed in this fight, including 150 centurions and 24 tribunes. In no other battle before this, were so many officers lost. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.) Appian says this encounter happened near the Scotius Mountain:

``a famous place in those parts by reason of Mithridates' victory, Triarius' defeat and the loss of the Roman army.'' (Appian p. 254.)

4340. Hirtius states in his commentaries of the war in Alexandria that this was about 3 miles from Zela, a town in Pontus.

4341. This is the defeat which Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law a year and an half later remembers:

``Your army was resolute and victorious but Mithridates attacked them. Allow me in this place, like those who write of the Roman affairs, to skip over our misfortunes which were so great that the news did not come to Lucullus by a messenger from the battle but by rumour.''

4342. Later he said:

``After we were defeated in Pontus concerning which a little before I reminded you of against my will, our friends and confederates were afraid and the wealth and courage of the enemies increased. The province had no garrison or troops to trust to and Asia would have been lost, O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief of those countries. His arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his success and held back Tigranes who with great strength was threatening Asia.''

4343. When Mithridates was healed of his wounds, he suspected there might be more of the enemy among his men. He selected a party on another pretence and ordered everyone suddenly to their tents. The Romans were found alone and killed. (Dio. l. 35.)

4344. From there he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the "Lesser." He took all the provisions he could carry with him and the rest he spoiled lest it should be useful to Lucullus. About that time Attilius, a Roman senator, was found guilty of conspiracy. He had fled for fear of justice long ago to Mithridates and had been received into his favour. From respect for his former office, Mithridates would not torture him but was content only with his death. He grievously tormented his companions but sent his servants away untouched whom he had made privy to his design. (Appian.)

4345. Lucullus came to Triarius whom the angry soldiers requested and privately carried him away. (Plut. in Lucullo.) They left unburied those who had died in the fight. This was thought to be the first thing that alienated the affections of his own soldiers. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4346. Mithridates waited with his army on a hill near Talaura for Tigranes who was coming to him with great forces. He refused to fight until he came. However, Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes' sons-in-law, suddenly attacked the Romans as they were scattered abroad and gave them a great defeat. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4347. Quintus Marcius, who was the sole consul the previous year, was sent as proconsul into Cilicia, Lucullus' main province. Marcius marched with 3 legions through Licaonia and Marcius asked Lucullus to help him but Lucullus said his soldiers would not follow him. (Salust. historiar. l. 5. apud Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4348. When Marcus entered into Cilicia, he received graciously Menemachus who had revolted from Tigranes. Marcus made P. Clodius commander of the navy. Marcus had married Clodius' sister and Lucullus had married another sister of Clodius. Clodius had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis. (Dio. l. 35.)

4349. Clodius was attacked by the Cilician pirates by surprise and was taken prisoner. They demanded a ransom for him. He sent to Ptolemy, the king of Cyprus to see if he would pay it. Ptolemy only sent 2 talents which the pirates despised. However, they feared Pompey, they thought it best to free him for nothing. (Strabo, l. 14. p. 684. Appian. Bell. Civil. l. 2. p. 441. Dio. l. 35, & 38.)

4350. By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio who was the sole consul that year was made successor to Lucullus in the command of Bithynia and Pontus. The Valerian or Fimbrian legion that had been discharged before and reemployed, were again disbanded. These troops began to rebel and despised Lucullus when they luxuriated with the fruits of victory and lived at ease and with plenty when Lucullus was not present. (Salust. Historiar. l. 5. with Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4351. Dio (l. 35.) stated that P. Clodius was the main instigator of this rebellion. Cicero affirmed this in his speech in reply to prognosticators. He said that when Clodius was freed by the pirates, he treacherously corrupted Lucullus' army and he fled there. Dio said that he went to Antioch in Syria to help them against the Arabians whom they had war with. Again he stirred up a rebellion and was very nearly killed. (Dio l. 35.)

4352. Lucullus was in a fix. He dared not move from his place nor dared he stay there. Finally he resolved to march against Tigranes and hoped to attack him by surprise or when he was tired after his march. He hoped that this would settle the rebellions in his camp but it did not. His soldiers followed him for a while but when they knew they were heading for Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word turned their backs. When the Valerians or Fimbrians heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus' command was given to others, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the meantime tried to reconcile them, and in great dejection with tears in his eyes, he went to their tents and begged everyone to come back. He took some of them by the hand but they refused his embraces. They threw down their empty purses and declared that as he had alone enriched himself by them that he should alone fight with his enemies. (Plut. & Dio.)

4353. This rebellion of the soldiers who would not follow Lucullus, kept him pursuing Mithridates and Tigranes and completing his victory over them. The Valerian Legions cried out that they were disbanded and forsook him. (Livy l. 98.) Finally they were overcome by the intreaty of their fellow soldiers, they agreed to keep to their colours that summer on condition that if no one came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to agree with these men or leave that province with no garrison to defend against the barbarians. He did not command them or lead them out into battle but thought it sufficient if they only stayed. He allowed Tigranes to forage in Cappadocia and Mithridates to range over the whole province. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4354. Lucullus had written to the senate that he had finished the war with Mithridates and officers came to him to settle the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been peaceful. (Plutarch. in Lucullo, Dio. l. 36.) However, they found that even he was not in control of his troops but was mocked and derided by the soldiers. When the summer was past they had become so insolent and contemptuous of their commander, they took up their arms and drew their swords. They called for their enemies which they could not find anywhere. They retired from the camp with shouting and throwing up their arms and declared that the time they had promised Lucullus to stay, had expired. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4355. When Acilius Glabrio, the consul, arrived at the province that was assigned to him, he sent criers about and announced that the senate had discharged Lucullus' army and confiscated his goods because he had prolonged the war and refused to obey their commands. When the soldiers heard this, most of them forsook him. Only a few stayed with him who were very poor and did not fear their punishment. (Appian.) As a result of this, Mithridates recovered most of his kingdom and did much damage to Cappadocia. Lucullus did not fight with Mithridates nor did Acilius defend the country. For although he hurried as if he would have robbed Lucullus of his victory, yet when he understood their condition that Lucullus came with no army, he prolonged his stay in Bithynia. (Dio. l. 30.)

4356. Cicero in his Manilian speech to the Romans in which as a favour to Lucullus, he excused what happened by saying:

``L. Lucullus who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, was constrained by your command, (because you had resolved according to ancient custom to remove his authority.) He dismissed that part of his army which had served out their time and sent the other to Glabrio.''

4357. We conclude this section about Lucullus and will return to the war with the pirates or the maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that Pompey completed this summer.

4358. Most of the pirates had sent their children, wealth and the a large multitude into their citadels and strong holds near the Taurus Mountain. They fought with Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia and were defeated and they were soon besieged. Finally they sent out commissioners and surrendered themselves, their islands and towns. Because of their strength, these would have been very difficult to capture. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4359. Pompey advanced into Cilicia with a very great number of engines and planned to attack those pirates that were located on the rocks. This he did not need to do for his fame and the news of his preparation terrified the pirates. They thought he would be more merciful if they did not fight him. First those who commanded the great citadel of Cragus and Anticragus and later all the Cilcians on the mountains, came in and submitted themselves. They turned over many arms that were either finished or being made including many ships half completed in the docks and others ready for sale. As well they turned over brass and iron prepared for those ships and sails, ropes and other material. They surrendered a large number of captives who were forced to ransom themselves or work in their prisons. Pompey burned the materials, carried away the ships and sent the prisoners home. Many of them saw their own monuments that their relatives had made when they assumed they were long dead. (Appian in Mithridatic.) Thus the pirates were overcome and the whole strength of the pirates subdued in every part of the sea in no more time than 3 months (Plut. in Pompey.) or 2 months if we will follow Lucan (l. 2.).

Before twice Cynthia did wax and wane. The frightened rover left th' all horrid main To seek a dwelling in some private plain.

4360. Pompey burnt more than 1300 small boats and destroyed their places of retreat. (Strabo l. 14. p. 665.) 72 ships wre taken by force and 306 surrendered. (Appian) Plutarch stated that 800 surrendered and of these 90 had prows of iron. Pliny affirmed that there were taken or sunk 846 ships, (l. 7. c. 25. & 26.) 120 towns, citadels and storehouses. 10,000 pirates were killed in the fight. (Appian.)

4361. There were 20,000 of the pirates left alive whom Pompey planned to let live. However, he did not think it was safe to allow them to leave or that many soldiers and desperate persons stay together. (Plut.) Lest poverty might constrain them to future actions, he relocated them into a certain place remote from the sea and he gave them those fields for farming which he saw abandoned. He put some in cities that needed inhabitants and gave them a capacity of living without resorting to thievery. (Livy 99. l. vell. Pater. l. 2. c. 32. Florus l. 3. c. 6. Dio. l. 36.) He ordered them to settle in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania and other remote towns in Cilicia (the Stony) (Appian.) and into a sea town of Cilicia called formerly Solos which he called Pompeiopolis. He repaired it after it had been destroyed by Tigranes, the Armenian king. He transferred many to Didymena which lacked inhabitants. (Strabo. l. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. l. 36.)

4362. Thus that war that was so long and of so large an extent and effected all countries was concluded. Pompey prepared for it in the midst of winter, began in the spring and finished in the middle of summer. Cicero in his Manilian speech said before:

``This war was so cruel, so ancient and so widely dispersed that who would ever have thought that either all the commanders in the world could have finished it in one year or any one commander in all the ages of the world?''

4363. Florus also said that besides the swiftness of execution and the felicity in the success, there should not be one ship lost. From then on there would be no more pirates. This was done by the singular conduct of the captain by removing them that had been so used to the sea from the sight of it and pinning them up as it were in the midland countries. Should not he be listened to when he speaks of the speediness of the conquest because what had happened only of his success in the lower seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the general's seduction. He says this was all finished in 40 days. Cicero denies this and so does Dion who signifies in these words, ta pleiw awtoethshmirwse that the larger part of the seas were made safe by Pompey within a year's time.

4364. In Crete, (which after Cilicia Plutarch stated was the next haven of the pirates) the prisoners were so harshly dealt with that most of them poisoned themselves. Others sent to Pompey, although he was absent and said that they would surrender to him. (Florus l. 3. c. 7.) Pompey was then in Pamphylia, where their ambassadors came and promised all the cities in Crete would surrender themselves to him. He did not disappoint them but he demanded hostages. (Cicero, prolege Manilia) In the meantime he forbade Metellus from interfering in that war and wrote to the Crizens that they should not obey him. (Plutarch in Pompey.) He also ordered Metellus to leave the island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him. (Appian. legat. 30.) He sent one of his officers, L. Octavius, there without an army. He was not to go to wage war but to receive the cities into the favour of the people of Rome. He shut himself up within the walls with those that were besieged. He fought with them and made Pompey's name odious and contemptible. (Plut. in Pompey. Dio. l. 36.)

4365. Metellus despised Pompey's command who was in another province and continued in his intended war. He was the more bitter in the war in that he exercised the right of a conqueror on his enemies and hurried to subdue them before Pompey could come. (Florus, Plut. Dio.) He sent letters to Rome and complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey. He sent his ambassador into Crete to accept the surrender of the city. Pompey replied to them that they should surrender. (Livy l. 99.)

4366. Cornelius Sisenna who at this time was governor of Greece, came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people. He could not persuade him and did nothing that compelled him to be more tolerant. (Dio. l. 36.)

4367. Aristion marched from Sidon after he had defeated Lucius Balsus who had come out to attack him. He took Hierapidna and defended that city against the Romans (Dio. l. 36.)

4368. Metellus bribed many within the city of Elcuthera and took it by treachery. The conspirators softened a great tower of brick that was extremely hard to be taken, with vinegar for some nights so that it could easily be broken. Later he imposed a tax on Elcuthera and took Lappa by force. He was not deterred by Octavius commanding there and did him no harm. He only killed the Cilicians he found about him (Dio. l. 36.) and dismissed Octavius after he had been mocked and abused with many ignominies in the camp. (Plutarch.)

4369. Octavius did not like this treatment and did not waste time as before. He took command of Sisenna's army who had recently died of a disease. He relieved those who were oppressed by Metellus and then went to Aristion. There he managed their war by common consent and for some time continued in that position. When they heard that Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their citadels and sailed away. They were hit by a storm and after the loss of many of their men, they were forced to run ashore. (Dion. l. 36.)

4370. Marcus Cotta had dismissed his treasurer P. Oppius on suspicion of defrauding the treasury and conspiring against him. Oppius had gathered a large amount of money in Bithynia. He was accused by C. Carbo who was made consul for this although before he had only been a tribune. (Dion. l. 36.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3805>>.)

3938a AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4371. After Sinatruces (whom Appian called Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the kings of Parthia, Arsaces) died, his son Phraates succeeded him. He was the 2nd king of Parthia by that name who by a most impious title was called, "the god." (Appian. in Mithridatic p. 242. & Dio. l. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photic, cod. 97.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3798>>.)

4372. Hyrcanus (as we read in Josephus, l. 16. c. 9.) was driven from his kingdom by Aristobulus, his younger brother, 3 months after the death of his mother Alexandra. However since it appears there were 6 years from the time Hyrcanus began to reign when R. Hortensius, and C. Metellus were consuls to the latter end of Aristobulus. It was that year that Jerusalem was taken by Pompey when C. Antionius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls. Josephus allows 3 years and 3 months to Aristobulus. Therefore Hyrcanus must have ruled for about 3 years not three months. If we deduct 2 months from this then the time will be exact.

4373. About this time, they fought at Jericho and many of Hyrcanus' men defected to his brother Aristobulus. Hyrcanus fled into the citadel where the wife and children of Aristobulus had been placed by Alexandra his mother. The rest fled to the temple from fear of Aristobulus and surrendered a short time later. Finally the brothers came to a peace treaty. Aristobulus would rule and his brother would be allowed to lead a private life and enjoy that wealth he had gotten by his wits. They made this covenant in the temple and after all oaths were made, they embraced one another in the sight of the people. Aristobulus took over the court and Hyrcanus retired as a private person to Aristobulus' house. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 1.) Thus Aristobulus held the kingdom and chief priest's office for 3 years and 3 months. (Joseph. l. 20. c. 8.)

4374. Lucius Tullus and Aemilius Lepidus were consuls at the beginning of their consulship in January which was really October on the Julian calendar. At this time the senate set aside a law that was passed by the people the night before and sponsored by C. Manilus, a tribune of the people. The law stated that those servants who were freed should be allowed the same voting privileges as their masters. For this reason Manilus feared for his safety since he was only a mercenary and representative to those that were in power. To ingratiate Pompey, he proclaimed another law. This stated that the charge of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates along with the legions and provinces that were under Lucullus, Cilicia which was under the command of Marcius the sole consul and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio should be handed over to Pompey. Also there would be no change in Pompey's maritime command. (Dio, l. 36. with Livy l. 100. Vellei. Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompey.)

4375. Livy noted that this law was past with great indignation from the nobility. It seemed to the senate no less than an obvious insult to Lucullus. Pompey was not sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the victory and to take possession of the spoils he had taken rather than the administration of the war. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Nor did it please those who were forced to recall Marcius and Acilius from their commands before the time they had given them had expired. (Dio. l. 36.) They were chiefly jealous of Pompey's power to whom by this means, the whole Roman empire was subjected. For those provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did not control like Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis and Armenia, by this law were under his power. (Plutarch in Pompey.) Also he received power to make war and settle a peace and that he might by his own will, judge anyone his enemy or make any his friend and associate as he thought best. He had also the command of all the armies which were from Italy. No Roman before him had so much power. (Appian. p. 238.)

4376. At this time, Cicero who was then a praetor, made his speech for the Manilian law in the 23rd year after that cruel slaughter of the citizens of Rome which was perpetrated in Asia by Mithridates' order in one day:

``He now reigns, the 23rd year from that time and reigns so not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia but to break out and invade the tributaries and breathe your Asian air.''

4377. Pompey was still following up on his victory over the pirates in Cilicia. However, Plutarch (in Pompey) stated that the war was ended and he had nothing to do and was visiting the cities around there. When he received letters from Rome, he knew what had happened there. His friends congratulated him on the news. However, he is reported to have frowned and struck his thigh as if he were already weary and discontented with his command. They all knew he really wanted that opportunity. (Plutarch in Pompey, Dio. l. 36.) Although he had formerly made a plan of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now and all his maritime business as if there was nothing left undone. He applied himself fully to war with the barbarians. (Dio. l. 36.) He recalled the soldiers to him and requested the assistance of those kings and potentates he had received as friends. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4378. Tigranes the younger, the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter, revolted from his father, Tigranes, and was defeated but not captured. He joined with the chief men who were discontented with his father and defected to Phraates, the king of the Parthians. (Livy l. 100. Appian. p. 242. Dio, l. 36.)

4379. Pompey continued in his war with Mithridates and renewed his league with Phraates, the king of Parthia (Livy.) on the same conditions which were previously offered with Sulla and Lucullus. Pompey (Lucan l. 8.) said this about that:

--If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be Which your own Magi joined--''

4380. According to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger invaded Armenia which was subject to Tigranes. They advanced as far as Artaxata, overcoming all opposition on the way and besieged it. Tigranes the elder retired among the mountains from fear. (Dio.)

3938b AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4381. Pompey wanted to find out Mithridates' intentions and sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals. Mithridates hoped that Phraates who was the new king of Parthia would have joined with him and rejected the proposals. When he knew that Phraates had a league with Pompey and was engaged to invade Armenia, he had second thoughts and immediately sent ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey required that he should lay down arms and surrender those that had revolted. (Dio.)

4382. As soon as Mithridates' army heard this, the runaways who were many in number, suspected they would be turned over and the barbarians thought they would have to continue the war without their help and rebelled. This would have been disastrous for Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his ambassadors to spy out the strength of the enemy rather than to desire peace. (Dio.) He swore moreover he would neither have friendship with the Romans because they were so covetous and neither would he surrender any of them or do anything unless it was for the common good. (Appian.)

4383. When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him (Dio.) at the citadel of Danala. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.) Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his consulships was the better man but Pompey's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands and two triumphs that he had, was the greater of the two. Both of them had garlands of laurel carried before them in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels were dead and withered because he had come a long journey through dry and squalid countries. When Lucullus' lictors saw this, they courteously presented him with some of theirs which were fresh and green. Pompey's friends looked on this sign of friendship as a good omen that he should carry the rewards of Lucullus' victories. (Plutarch in Lucullo & Pompey.)

4384. Lucullus told him that all things were already subdued and there was no reason for that expedition at all. Also he said that persons had come who were sent by the senate to settle affairs. He failed to persuade Pompey to go back and started to complain and slander him (Dio, l. 36.) so much so that there began to be a great argument between them. Pompey objected to Lucullus' covetousness and Lucullus about Pompey's insatiable desire for command. Neither of them could be accused of saying anything false in what they said. (Velleius Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Plutarch in Pompey.)

4385. For this reason Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased and gave away many good gifts besides. Pompey sharply reproved him for this in that he settled and conferred honours and rewards while the enemy was not defeated. This was not normally done until the war was over. Pompey was offended and moved his camp a little further from him and ordered that no one should obey or come near Lucullus. He made a public edict and forbid the confirmation of Lucullus' acts or the council his officers should suggest. Since Pompey had the larger army, he was the most formidable. Pompey left him only 1600 for his triumph and took away all his soldiers. They were as useless to him by their rebellious behaviour as they were to Lucullus. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Lucullo.) Only the Valerian or Fimbrian legions served Pompey faithfully although they were rebellious with Lucullus. (Dio. l. 35, & 36.)

4386. Lucullus returned from there to Rome and brought along with him a good number of books which were part of his spoil from Pontus. (Isidor. Origin. l. 6. c. 3.) He placed them in his library which was always open to all people especially the Greeks. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He was also the first one who brought cherries into Italy. (Pliny, l. 15. c. 25.) In spite of his poor treatment by Pompey, he was received very honourably by the senate. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

4387. When Metellus had defeated the island of Crete, he took away the laws from an island which before that time was free. (Livy l. 100.) He removed their liberty which they had for so long enjoyed, by imposing his taxes on them. (Velle. Patere. l. 2. c. 38.) Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that Metellus subdued that island in 2 year's time and wore it out with continual skirmishes. Eutropius (l. 6.) said that he overcame the whole country in 3 years in several large battles. Velleius Patere agrees with him and said (l. 2. c.34.) this:

``About that time the island of Crete was subdued by the Romans. They had resisted with an army of 24,000 young men who were pernicious with respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour and skilful in respect of the management of their arms. Under the command of Panares and Lasthenes, they had for 3 years together tired the Roman army.''

4388. L. Flaccus along with the commander-in-chief, bore the brunt of that war. (Cicero pro Flacco.) Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8th century and was called the chief. (Cicero ad Brutum. epist. 8.) Cnius Plancius was a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos, the ambassador and by L. Flaccus. He was a soldier under C. Metellus. (Cicero pro Plantio.)

4389. Hence the men of Crete who were before free and had never yet known any foreign command, were brought under the yoke and Metellus received the name of Cretensis after them by the senate. (Dio. l. 36.)

4390. Antipas who was also called Antipater, was the governor of Idumea and father to Herod, the king of Judea. He was a rich man, a trouble maker and energetic. He feared Aristobulus' power because of some grudges between them and he sided with Hyrcanus' party. When the secret aspersions of Aristobulus prevailed then Antipater stirred up the chief of the Jews to enter into a conspiracy against him. He suggested it would be very unwise to let Aristobulus occupy a position he had usurped by force and displaced his older brother and robbed him of the prerogative of his birth. Antipater worked away on Hyrcanus continually. He added that his very life was in danger unless he fled, for Aristobulus' friends were continually plotting how they should establish the authority on another when they had removed him out of the way. However, Hyrcanus was a good man and not easily moved by rumours and gave little credence to his information. His quiet disposition and gentleness of mind had given him the reputation of being slothful. However, Antipater continued to complain about his brother as if he had plans to kill him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4391. Phraates found the siege of Artaxata would likely last for a long time. He left part of his forces with Tigranes' son and returned home. (Dio. l. 36.)

4392. The nearer Spain was allocated to C. Julius Caesar when he was a quester. He was ordered by the praetor to travel about the various countries and decide matters of law. When he came to Gades, he saw in Hercules' temple, Alexander the Great's tomb. He was depressed that he had done nothing of note by the time he was 34 when Alexander had conquered the world. He became greatly depressed and begged that he might be sent back to Rome so that he might at the first opportunity attempt some noble thing. He left before his time and went to some Italian colonies that were in rebellion. He would have stirred them to do something, had not the consuls kept them in control with their legions which were raised to go into Cilicia. (Sueto, in Julio. Caesare, c. 7, 8.)

4393. Pompey controlled all the seas between Phoenicia and the Bosphorus with his navy. He advanced against Mithridates with a select army of 30,000 foot soldiers arranged in a phalanx for the safe keeping of his country. Plutarch said he also had 2000 (3000 Appian) cavalry. (Plut. in Pompey. Appian. p. 238.) Moreover that because Lucullus had recently pillaged that country, he had caused a great shortage of provisions for the enemy. Many fled to Pompey although Mithridates used all the severity he could to prevent this. He threw them down steep rocks or put out their eyes or burned them alive. This prevented many from defecting but they were very short of provisions. (Appian. p. 238.)

4394. Pompey placed some troops in ambush and sent out others to face the king's camp and provoke him to battle. They were ordered to turn and flee after they came out and thereby draw them into his trap. The king suspected it and drew out his foot soldiers. They might possibly have pursued them as far as their camp. This was the first skirmish between the cavalry. (Appian p. 238.)

4395. Mithridates was outnumbered and avoided fighting Pompey and destroyed the countries where he came. He tried by marching up and down to wear out his enemy or cause them a shortage of provisions. Pompey went into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates, partly to get food and partly to take it over since it was without enemy troops. Finally, Mithridates went there lest that province in his absence should fall into the hands of his enemies. (Dio. l. 36.)

4396. Mithridates camped on a strong and secure hill opposite his enemy. He stayed there quietly with his whole army and hoped to drive the Romans into distress by intercepting their provisions and thereby defeat them. Mithridates was in his own country and was well supplied from all parts. Under this hill there was a plain into which he sent some cavalry to encounter and cut off all they met. By this it happened that many defected from the enemy to him. (Dio. l. 36.)

4397. Pompey did not dare to attack the enemy in that place and moved his camp to another spacious area that was surrounded by woods. By this he secured himself from their troops and arrows. He laid ambush in a convenient place and he made a few advances and faced their camp. After raising a tumult, he drew the enemy from their works to the place he had planned and gave them a great defeat. By this victory, the Romans were encouraged and Pompey sent out others to the other parts of the country to bring in provisions. (Dio. l. 36.)

4398. Mithridates left the hill where he camped because he thought it was a barren, dry place. Pompey came and occupied it. When he saw how the plants grew so well and the hollowness of the place, he thought there must be water there. He ordered his troops to dig wells up and down the hill. They soon had so much water in their camp that he wondered why Mithridates had not found it long ago. (Plutarch.)

4399. Mithridates camped on a mountain near Dastira in Acilisena which had abundant water and not far from the Euphrates River which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.) Orosius wrote that Pompey blockaded the king's camp near the Dastrocus Mountain in Armenia the Less, (l. 6. c. 4.) and made a line around the king of about 18 miles. He built several citadels there so that he might intercept their foragers. The king did not hinder the work either from fear or folly which was often the forerunners of disaster. (Appian.) Mithridates was besieged for 45 days (Plutarch) but Appian said it was for 50 days. They could scarcely keep themselves alive after they had killed all the cattle they had and only spared the horses.

4400. Finally Mithridates knew that the enemy had been supplied with provisions and had captured a country in Armenia called Manaitin. Many of his men defected to Pompey and Marius' army along with the legions which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia where he was governor were coming to Pompey. Mithridates was afraid and planned to leave that country. (Dio.) He killed those who were sick and of no use and he went out in the night with the entire army very quietly and escaped. (Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius) He planned by marching in the night to go into Armenia the Greater which was subject to Tigranes (Dio.) and there to drive off Pompey if he pursued him. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4401. The next day, Pompey after much trouble caught up to him and attacked his rear. The king, in spite of his friends' advice, would not fight and was contented to beat back the enemy with some cavalry only. In the evening he retired into the woods. (Appian.)

4402. The next day, Mithridates occupied a village, that was surrounded by rocks on all sides and there was only one way in. He guarded that with 4 companies of foot soldiers. The Romans also guarded the entrance to prevent the escape of the king. (Appian.)

4403. When they were come to the borders Pompey feared Mithridates would get ahead of him and cross the Euphrates River and make his escape. He resolved to force a battle with them at night. (Plutarch & Dio.) He moved his camp and deceived the barbarians who rested until noon. He marched the same way they were to come. He occupied a convenient place among the hills and drew up his men into the highest parts of it and waited for the enemy. The barbarians did not suspect this and since the Romans did not fight with them, they did not even send scouts ahead to spy out their way. (Dio.)

4404. It is said that at that time Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was to happen. He seemed to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontic sea and came within sight of the Bosphorus. He was overjoyed with certain and unquestionable safety and began pleasantly to accost those who carried him. Suddenly, he found himself deserted and tossed about on a small part of the ship. While he was thinking about this vision, his friends who were around him awoke him and told him that Pompey was near. Therefore he was forced to fight for his camp and brought out his army. Both sides drew into battle array. (Plutarch.)

4405. When Pompey saw that they were prepared for a fight, he thought it best not to fight in the night but to surround them so they could not escape. He could attack them next morning with his army which was much stronger. However the older and chief of his officers by their urging, provoked him to attack then. (Plutarch.)

4406. Therefore, it was agreed that all the trumpets would sound a charge together. After this, the soldiers and the whole multitude would give a shout and then some would strike their spears against their brass vessels. The mountains echoed and made the noise more horrible. When the barbarians suddenly heard this in the night in a deserted place, they were exceedingly dismayed and supposed they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the meantime, the Romans from above threw down stones, arrows and darts on every side. Since there were so many barbarians almost every object hit someone. After they had shot all their arrows, they ran down violently on the barbarians. They were kicking and pressing each other forward and were killed and not able to defend themselves nor attack the enemy. Most of them were cavalry men and archers who could do little in the dark and in confined a space. (Dio.)

4407. As soon as the moon was up, the barbarians thought they might repel the enemy in its light and were encouraged. This might have helped them but the moon was on the Romans' backs. As the moon began to set and their shadows appeared long ahead of their bodies and close to the enemy. They judged their distance by these long shadows and shot arrows not far enough to hit the Romans. The Romans later attacked them and easily defeated them. (Dio. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.)

4408. This battle was in the night. (Livy, l. 100, Florus l. 3, Plutarch in Pompey, Dio l. 36, Eutropius l. 6. Orosius l. 6. c. 4.) Only Appian says it was in the day and happened like this. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning and some soldiers from both sides advanced and skirmished among the rocks. Some of the king's cavalry men came running on foot without orders to relieve their fellow soldiers. They were charged by a large number of the Roman cavalry and they ran back in one company to their tents to get their horses to better confront their enemy. The Pontics who were on guard, saw from an high place the noise and haste as they ran and thought their camp had been breached in some other part and that was the reason of their flight. They threw away their arms and fled but there was nowhere to escape. They ran afoul of one another until by their crowding they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for Pompey to perform the rest and to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed and so entangled among the rocks. There were 10,000 slain and their camp was taken along with all their ammunition and baggage. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 239, 240.)

4409. Plutarch stated that many more than 10,000 were killed. Dio said that there were very many killed and as many taken prisoners. Eurtopius stated the total was 40,000. Orosius stated there were this many either killed or captured. Eutropius says Pompey lost only 20 or 30 of his men and 2 of his captains. Orosius stated the Romans had 1000 wounded and about 40 killed.

4410. Mithridates with a troop of 800 cavalry broke through the Roman lines. Finally the rest abandoned him and he was left with only 3 in his company. Hypsicratia was one of these whom the king called Hypsicrates because of her masculine spirit. Plutarch calls her his concubine but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius said she was his wife. Although she wore a Persian man's cloths and rode on horseback, yet she was neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight nor with the care and solicitousness of the king. (Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6. Eutropius, l. 6.) His daughter Dripetine, accompanied him in this distressing time. She was born to him by Laodice the queen but was very deformed by a double row of teeth. (Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

4411. Hence the king escaped through the confusion of the battle and was helped by a clear night. He lead his horse by his hand when he came into places and trembled at every noise he heard. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) Finally, he came to some mercenary cavalry and 3,000 foot solders and was escorted into the citadel of Sinoria where he had stored much money. (Appian.) Plutarch calls the citadel Inora, Strabo, Sinoria or Synoria and it was located on the border of Armenia the Greater and the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4412. He gave gifts and a year's pay to those who had escorted him in his flight. He took (Appian) 6000 talents along with him. He also gave expensive garments to those that came to him from the rout. He also gave deadly poison to his friends to carry about with them lest any of them should fall into the enemy's hands. From there he marched into Armenia to Tigranes. (Plutarch.)

4413. Tigranes was pestered by the ambassadors from Mithridates and would not receive Mithridates but threw his ambassadors into prison. He pretended that Mithridates was the cause of his son's rebellion. Thus Mithridates' hopes were frustrated. He crossed over the Euphrates River and fled into Colchis (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.) which was formerly subject to him. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4414. He did not stop and on the 4th day he crossed the Euphrates River. They armed themselves for 3 days and assigned those troops he had with him or who came to him. He attacked Chotenis the chief town in Armenia because the Chotenians and Iberians had tried to impede the march with slings and arrows but he was able to beat off their attack. Then he advanced to the Absarus River. (Appian.)

4415. Pompey sent out troops to pursue Mithridates but he had crossed the Phasis River and escaped. So Pompey built a city in the same place where he won his victory (Dio. l. 36.) between the two rivers which had their source in the same mountain. These were the Euphrates and Araxes Rivers which are located in the Lesser Armenia and for that reason he called the city, Nicopolis. He gave this city with the consent of his soldiers to those who were old or lame or sick or wounded or disbanded. Many of the neighbours moved there also and the Nicopolitans lived after the customs of the Cappadocians. (Dio. l.36. & Strabo, l. 12. p. 555. & Appian. p. 243, 251. & Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4416. Tigranes, the father, advanced against Tigranes, his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati and defeated him. He fled first toward Mithridates, his grandfather. When he heard that he also was defeated and was likely in more need of help than being able to help him, Tigranes defected to the Romans. (Dio. l. 36.) He was willing to help them, even though he was the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter. (Appian.) He met Pompey at the Araxes River (Plutarch.) and guided Pompey and his army into Armenia against his father who was considered a confederate of Mithridates. (Dio. l. 36.) They went to Artaxatis to the court of Tigranes. (Appian.)

4417. When Tigranes, the father, knew of this he was exceedingly terrified. He heard that Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature and he sent a trumpeter to him and by him turned over Mithridates' ambassadors that he imprisoned. His son prevented him from obtaining any tolerable conditions and Pompey nevertheless crossed the Araxis River and approached near to Arraxatis. Finally Tigranes surrendered the city and all the garrison was in it. He with his friends and kindred went out to meet Pompey without sending so much as an herald before them. He surrendered all his right into his hands and appealing to him for justice against his son. (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.)

4418. So that he might appear to Pompey worthy of respect and compassion, he said he would retain a mediocre position between his former dignity and his present misery. He had taken off his gown that was half white and his royal robe of purple but wore his diadem and the ornaments for his head. (Dio.) When Pompey sent the captains and officers of his cavalry to meet and honour him, his friends that were with him, fled for they worried about their security because they had sent no heralds ahead of them. (Appian.)

4419. When Tigranes came to Pompey's camp which was 16 miles away from Arraxatis, two lictors from Pompey came to him and ordered him to get off his horse. According to the customs of his country he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed and unbuckled his sword and delivered it to them. (Eutr. Plut. & Dio.) Pompey saw him enter on foot after he had thrown away his crown. He prostrated him himself on the ground according to the custom of the barbarians. Pompey was touched with compassion and he ran over to him. He caught him by the hand and lifted him up and put on his crown again that he had cast away. Pompey ordered him to sit down on one side of him and his son on the other side. Tigranes' son did not rise up to greet his father nor show him any respect. (Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. l. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. in Pompey & Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.)

4420. Tigranes surrendered himself and his kingdom to Pompey, for he had previously stated that there was no man in Rome or any other country that he would have surrendered to except Pompey. He said that he would be content with whatever happened to him, whether it was good or bad. He also said that it was no disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer, nor was it dishonourable to submit to him whom fortune had exalted above everyone. (Vel. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.) He and his son were later invited by Pompey to supper but the son excused himself and gave Pompey a reason to be offended at him. (Dio.)

4421. The next day after their disputes were heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia, (the ancient possession of his forefathers,) to Tigranes, the elder. Strabo stated he added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (l. 16. p. 747.) and took away those countries he had gained in the war. He imposed a fine of 6000 talents of silver on him which was to be paid to the people of Rome because he had waged war with them without a cause. He gave his son the command of Gordena and Sophena with the freedom of joining the rest of Armenia to it when his father died. He gave the treasure in Sophena, (a country in the borders of Armenia) to the father otherwise he would not be able to pay his fine. (Cicero, Velles. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as was said before.)

4422. Tigranes, the father, was very glad for these conditions and that he was called a king by the Romans. He left and went through Cappadocia, some parts of Cilicia, and all of Syria and Phoenicia from the Euphrates River to the sea. He controlled these provinces with part of Cilicia when he had driven out Antiochus Pius. (Livy, l. 101. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 37. Plutarch, Appian, Dio, & Eutrop.)

4423. Tigranes, the younger, was badly disappointed and plotted to escape. Pompey knew of this and restrained him but with liberty to move around. He sent messengers to those that kept the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder. They refused and stated they only took orders from Tigranes the younger whom they thought this country belonged to. Tigranes was sent to the citadel and was shut out. Against his will, he ordered them to open to him, but the keepers refused and said he only made the order because Pompey forced him to. Pompey was displeased and chained the younger Tigranes and finally got the treasure for his father. (Dio. l. 36.)

4424. Appian said that the Armenians who deserted the king on his journey to the Roman camp, asked his son who stayed with Pompey to dispose of his father but he was taken and put in irons. However, when he was bound, through his messengers he persuaded the Parthians to fight the Romans and pretended he was imprisoned for the triumph.

4425. After the father received his money, he gave a greater portion of money than was agreed on by Pompey. He freely gave to every soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every captain 1000, every colonel 10,000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 drachmas. By this he was counted among the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.) Pompey delivered the money due to the people of Rome, according to his custom, to the treasurer for the public use. (Velei. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.)

4426. Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whole kingdom of Cappadocia, Sophena and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger. This area was later called the province of Cappadocia. Pompey also gave him Cabala, (or Gabala) a city of Cilicia and some others which Ariobarzanes later left entirely to his sons. (Appian. p. 243, 244.)

3939a AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4427. A few days before C. Julius Caesar entered into the office of the aedile, he was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the consul. Sulla and Antionius were also suspected as their term as consuls expired. They were condemned for trying to overthrow the republic at the beginning of the year. (January corresponded to October on the Julian calendar when Cotta and Torquatus entered the consulship.) They planned to invade the senate and kill whom they pleased and Crassus was to become the dictator and he should be called the master of his horse. The whole state would be run as they saw fit and the consulship would be restored to Sulla and Antonius. From this it was that Cicero in an letter to Axius stated that when Caesar was consul, he settled the kingdom as he planned to when he was an aedile. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 9.)

4428. Pompey left Armenia under the command of Afranius and pursued Mithridates through those countries that lie around the Caucasus. These were the large countries of the Albanians and Iberians. They allowed him to go through when he first came. (Plutarch) However, Livy (l. 101.) said that Pompey fought and overcame them because they refused to allow him access. This battle is briefly mentioned by Plutarch and Appian. Dio. gave more details. Pompey divided his army into three parts and took his winter quarters near the Cyrnus River in the country around Tanais. In spite of this he did not have peace. Oroesus, the king of the Albanians who inhabited the country above the Cyrnus River (or Cyrus) (Florus, l. 3, c. 5. & Eutropius, l. 6. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 4. called him Orodes.) advanced against the Romans. He did this partly to gratify his friend, Tigranes the younger but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania. He hoped that if he attacked in the winter by surprise, then they would not have pitched their camp in one place. He wanted to do some brave exploit. He advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals. He personally marched against Metellus Celer who had Tigranes with him. Others went against Pompey while others against the commander of the third party under Lucius Flaccus. He wanted to attack all three at once so they could not help one another. (Dio, l. 36.) Appian stated that Oroezes, the king of the Albanians and Otocus, (or rather Artocus) the king of the Iberians, set an ambush with 70,000 men for Pompey near the Cyrnus River. Plutarch stated that at least 40,000 barbarians crossed the river against Pompey in the Roman festivals to Saturn which were celebrated in the month of December. (In that year it happened in September or the Julian October that is in the beginning of autumn or winter according to those that divide the year into two parts only, summer and winter. This we saw in Thucydides history of the Peloponnesian war.)

4429. Metellus defeated Oroesus. Flaccus made an inner ditch around his camp. The first ditch around his camp was too large to be defended. The enemy thought he did this from fear and advanced into the outer ditch. Flaccus made an unexpected sally on them and killed many in the conflict and many in the chase. Pompey knew of the barbarian attacks on the two camps. He attacked those who were marching against him and defeated them. Pompey went directly against Oroesus himself but could not find him. After Oroesus was beaten by Metellus and had heard of the defeats of the others, he fled. (Dio.)

4430. Pompey camped where they crossed the Cyrnus River. He finally agreed to their supplications and gave them peace. He planned to recompense their attacks by invading their country. Since it was winter, this would be difficult to do. (Dio l. 36. fin) Plutarch wrote that Pompey routed a great number of them and brought in their colours. Later their king sent ambassadors and he made peace with him.

4431. Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade (Appian. p. 240.) where the isthmus between the Euxine and the Caspian Sea begins. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 468.)

4432. Antipater urged Hyrcanus to flee to Areta, the king of the Arabians and promised to help him. He was barely able to convince him, yet he finally did go. Arabia bordered on Judea. Antipater was sent ahead to the king to get his promise that he would not deliver up Hyrcanus to his enemies. As soon as he had given his word, Antipater returned quickly to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem. Antipater took him by night along with him and they stole from the city and after a long journey, they came to a city called Petra where Areta's court was. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4433. Antipater was very close to Areta and requested that he would restore Judea to Hyrcanus. His constant urgings and his presents finally convinced him to help Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus promised if he would help him get his kingdom again, he would return to him a country with 12 cities which his father, Alexander Jannaeus, had taken away from the Arabians. The cites were these: Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Orouae, Marisa, Rydda, Lusa and Oryba. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

3939b AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4434. Alexander 2nd, the king of Egypt and the son of Alexander 1st, was expelled by the Alexandrians. (Suet. in Juli. Casare.) Ptolemy, a natural son, replaced him and he was the son of Ptolemy Lathurus. He was called Dionysius the New, or Bacchus and Auletes because he most effeminately followed the ways of the Dionysii. He put on women's clothes and danced to the cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. (Lucian de non tem. cred. calum.) He also practised their piping so much that he boasted of it. He was not ashamed to celebrate contests in his court in which he contested with others. (Strabo. l. 17. p. 796.)

4435. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, with 50,000 men defeated Aristobulus. After this battle many ran away to Hyrcanus so that Aristobulus was abandoned and fled to Jerusalem. Aretas brought his army with him and besieged him in the temple. The people helped Hyrcanus and only the priests were loyal to Aristobulus. Aretas, with the Jewish and Arabian army, most vigorously continued the siege. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4436. These things were done before the time of the feast of unleavened bread. The leaders of the Jews abandoned their country and fled into Egypt. Onias in Judea was an honest and just man. In a great drought, he prevailed by the piety of his prayers for rain. When he foresaw the civil war that followed, he hid himself in a cave. However, the Jews caught him and brought him into their camp. They wanted him to curse Aristobulus and his side just as he had prayed for rain. For a long time he refused. Finally the multitude compelled him and he stood in their midst and prayed:

``O God, thou that art King of the whole world, for as much as these that are with me are thy people and those that are besieged are thy priests, I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them nor them praying against these.''

4437. After this some wicked men of the Jews surrounded him and killed him with stones. God immediately revenged this wickedness and punished the slaughter of Onias in this way. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4438. While Aristobulus was besieged with his priests, the feast of the passover arrived. It was the custom for them to make many sacrifices to their God. Because of the siege, they asked the Jews that besieged them if they would give them sacrifices at whatever price they would set. They demanded 1000 groats should be sent them for every ox. Aristobulus and his priests willingly agreed to this and let down their money from the wall. When they had the money, they gave no animals in return for the sacrifice. This was the height of impiety in that they broke their faith with men and robbed God of his due honour. But the priests who were defrauded, prayed to God that he would take vengeance on them. This soon happened. A violent storm greatly wasted their grain so that a bushel of wheat was sold for 15 groats. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4439. Pompey waged war with the Iberians. They were exceedingly desirous to gain the favour of Mithridates and to drive out Pompey. Up until now they had never been subject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander or the Macedonians. (Plutarch.) When Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquarus were consuls, Artoces, their king, feared lest Pompey would attack him. He sent ambassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace but in the meantime he prepared to attack them by surprise. Pompey knew this and before Artoces had sufficiently prepared and secured the passes, Pompey attacked their country. Before Artoces knew anything of his coming, Pompey had advanced as far as the city of Acropolis which was located in those passes where the Caucasus Mountains runs. It was fortified for the defence of that pass. Artoces lost the opportunity of strengthening himself and he was terrified. He crossed the Cyrnus River and burned the bridge. When the city saw him flee and themselves beaten, they surrendered the town. By this means, Pompey got control of the passes and put a garrison over them. He marched from there and subdued the whole country that lay on that side of the river. (Dio. init. l. 37.)

4440. Pompey was about to cross Cyrnus River when Artoces begged a truce by his ambassadors. He offered to make him a bridge and to furnish him with all supplies besides. This he did to obtain peace. As soon as Pompey had crossed that river, Artoces immediately fled to the Pelorus River. He ran from Pompey whom he had helped cross the river when he might have prevented his crossing. Pompey was aware of this and pursued him. When he caught up to him, he fought and defeated him easily. Before the bowmen came to fight, he had routed them. When Artoces had crossed the Pelorus River and burnt that bridge also, he fled. The remainder were cut off. Some died in the battle and some attempted to cross the river on foot. Many fled to the woods and held out for some days by shooting arrows from the large trees. Pompey had the trees cut down and they also died. (Dio. init. l. 37.) Plutarch reports there was 6,000 killed in the battle and more than 10,000 taken prisoners.

4441. Artoces sent ambassadors to Pompey to sue for peace. They brought presents of a bed, a table and a chair, all of gold which he begged him to accept. Pompey took the presents and turned them over to the quaesters to be recorded in the public records. He refused to give them peace unless Artoces would deliver his sons for hostages. Artoces hesitated until the Romans had found a ford in the river in summer time and crossed it with much trouble although no one hindered their crossing. Artoces sent his sons for hostages and made peace with Pompey. (Dio. l. 37. & Plutarch. & Flor. l. 3. c. 4.) Eutropius stated that Pompey defeated Arthaces, the king of Iberia, in battle, and received him into favour on some conditions. Sextus Rufus and Jomandes stated that the kings of both Iberia and Arthaces, surrendered themselves to him. However, Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that he defeated Artoces, the king of the Iberians, and subdued all of Iberia.

4442. Mithridates travelled through the country of the Scythians who were offended by his presence. He persuaded some and others he constrained by force to help him. He went to the Heniochians but the Archaeans tried to resist him and were defeated. Later he entered into the Maeotic countries and defeated many of their commanders. Because of the fame of his achievements, he was warmly welcomed. He gave and received many gifts. He formed marriage alliances with the most powerful men there. (Livy, l. 101. Appian p. 240, 241, Dio. l. 36.) Strabo also refers to this place. (l. 11. p. 496.) The Heniochi had 4 kings at that time when Mithridates fled through their country into Bosphorus from Pontus. He gave up any hopes of passing through the Zygians because the way was difficult and the people were fierce. Therefore with much trouble he was many times forced to follow the sea and marched along the shore. Finally he arrived among the Achaeans who received him. (Appian said they resisted him.) Here he ended his journey of almost 500 miles which began at Phasis. Strabo stated the countries he passed through, based on those writers who wrote of the affairs of Mithridates. The countries in this order were: the Achaeans, the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians and the Colchians. (p. 497.) Hypsicrate his queen went through all these unruly countries with an indefatigable mind and body. She followed her distressed husband. So she might more easily share in his labour and pains, she shaved her hair. She was accustomed to ride on horse back and bear arms. She was faithful in all his distresses and was the greatest and most pleasant asset to Mithridates. He seemed to wander with his whole fortune and family while his wife accompanied him in his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6.)

4443. Machares, the son of Mithridates, reigned in Bosphorus Cimerius and favoured the Romans. He heard that his father in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and warlike countries and passed the very borders of Scythia which were never passed before. He sent ambassadors to him to let him know it was of necessity that had forced him to that friendship with the Romans. He knew his father's animosity so he fled into Pontius Chersonesus and burned his ships to prevent his father from following him. When he sent against Mithridates another fleet, he was killed. (??) Mithridates killed all those friends that he had sent with his son for companions when Machares first went into his kingdom. Mithridates sent his servants away safely. (Appian p. 241.) However Dio (l. 36.) stated that the father corrupted his son's friends with promises of safety and with bribes. He persuaded them to kill his son. Orosius said that Machares was killed by his father. (l. 6. c. 5.)

4444. Pompey made his journey into the northern parts of Scythia by the stars as if he had been at sea and attacked the Colchi. He camped beneath the Caucasus Mountains and ordered their king Orodes to come down into the plains. (Florus l. 3. c. 5.) Florus said that Orodes was king of the Alcans along with Eutropius and Oronus. For "Orodes" in this place means the name "Olthaces", whom Appian said was the king of the Colchi and was led in triumph by Pompey (p. 253.) or "Aristarchus", whom Appian said (p. 251.) and Eutropius (l. 6.) was said to be made king of Colchis in his place.

4445. Plutarch says that at the Phasis River, Servilius met Pompey with the fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus. The pursuit of Mithridates who had hid himself in the countries around Bosphorus and Maeotis had caused him much trouble. Pompey went to Colchis that he might see the place of the wanderings of the Argonauts and Castor and Pollux. He especially wanted to see the place where Prometheus was said to be bound to the Caucasus Mountains. These sights drew him from the neighbouring countries. (Appian. p. 241, 242.) He won the Colchi also and the hostile countries to his side, partly by fair words and partly by fear. He found that his journey would be difficult by land through many warlike and unknown countries. If he went by sea it was would be worse. The inhabitants were hostile and the country lacked ports. Pompey commanded his ships to stay there and to watch Mithridates that he might not be allowed to escape and to block all provisions going to him. Pompey headed against the Albani but took a round about way so they would think themselves safe and he could come suddenly on them and easily defeat them. However, Plutarch stated that the Albani finally revolted and that Pompey was incensed with anger and desire for revenge. He marched immediately against them but he returned to Armenia and crossed the Cyrnus River. It was fordable at that time of the year. (Dio. l. 37.)

4446. After great difficulty, he crossed this river. The barbarians had for a long time fortified it by pounding down stakes into it. (Plutarch.) Where the river was calm, Pompey first crossed over with his cavalry, then his train and then his foot soldiers. He had the horses break the force of the river with their bodies and if anything of the train should be carried away by the current it, would land against those who accompanied it and be carried no further. (Dio.) After he had come from a long, dry and rocky way, he filled 10,000 water bottles and continued his journey. (Plut.)

4447. Finally, with no resistance from the enemy, he arrived at the Gambyses River. His whole army was badly bothered by the heat and from thirst although they marched mainly in the night. He selected guides from the prisoners but they did not show him the easiest way. Moreover the river proved harmful too. The water was extremely cold and they drank too much and it made them quite sick. They did not rest until they came to the Abans River. All that time they took only water, for the inhabitants bountifully supplied their needs. Hence they marched through and did them no harm. (Dio.)

4448. When they had crossed the river, they heard that Oroeses was coming toward them. (Dio.) He had in his army 60,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 or 22,000 (according to Strabo) cavalry. Most of these were poorly armed and clothed with only the skins of wild beasts. They were commanded by Cossis, the king's brother. (Plut. & Strabo, l. 41. p. 502.) Pompey wanted to draw them into a battle before they knew the numbers of the Romans. He first drew up his cavalry and told them what to do. Behind them he placed his foot soldiers. He had them lay down and cover themselves with their shields and lie still without making any noise. By this, Oroeses had no knowledge of them until he had joined battle. He despised the cavalry whom he thought were all alone and attacked them. In a moment they fled as they were ordered to by Pompey and Oroeses chased them furiously. The foot soldiers rose up suddenly and made a space to allow the cavalry to retreat through. They charged the enemy and surrounded a large number of them and killed them. The rest were killed by the cavalry who came around on the right hand and the left and attacked their rear. So the cavalry killed a large number. The enemy fled to the woods which was set on fire and killed them. The Romans shouted to them to remember what happened at the Saturnals. About that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and attacked the Romans by surprise. (Dio. l. 37.)

4449. In the battle, Cossis the king's brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him through the joint of his arms. Pompey ran him through with his spear and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons that lived in the mountains next to the Thermontes River, came to help the barbarians. While the Romans were taking the plunder in the field, they found some Amazon shields and buskins but no women were found. (Plut.) Also Appian (p. 242.) stated that this and the former battle with the Albani were the same battle. However, Orosius with Eutropius and Sextus Rufus stated that Pompey defeated Oroeses, the king of the Albani and his commanders. (l. 6. c. 4.)

4450. Pompey destroyed the country around there. Finally he was persuaded to accept a peace from Orodis or Oroeses. He sent Pompey a golden bed and other presents to make peace. (Florus, l. 3. c. 5. Dio. l. 37, Eurtop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) They commemorated their Italian origins because they followed Hercules from the Mount Albanus and they greeted Pompey as one of the mothers of their country. (Justin, l. 42. c. 3.) Pompey made peace with the Albans and all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus in the Caspian Sea even so far as that mountain that was in Pontus. These people requested peace through their ambassadors. (Dio. l. 37.) Strabo wrote that from all parts and both the Chipeari and the Cholchian, he warred against the Ibearians and Albani. (l. 11. p. 492.) Pompey wanted to see Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea since it was only a 3 day journey from there. He was thwarted from that plan by the number of deadly serpents in the area. Hence he went into Armenia the Less. (Plutarch) (This paragraph in both the English and Latin copies is almost unreadable. Editor.)

4451. After Pompey had crossed the Taurus Mountains, he advanced to Antiochus Commagenus and finally received him into favour (Appian. p. 244.) when he surrendered to Pompey Seleucia, a castle in Mesopotamia with all that he had captured in his excursion there. (Appian. p. 251 & Strabo. l. 16. p. 745.) Pompey defeated Darius and the Medes either because he had helped Antiochus now or Tigranes previously. Appian in his Mithridatic. (p. 244.) stated that Darius and the Medes were numbered among the princes and peoples that Pompey defeated. (p. 250, 253.) Velleius Patercules, (l. 2. c. 40.) numbered Media among those countries Pompey had successfully invaded. Although Plutarch stated that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the kings of the Medes and Elymaes who had sent ambassadors to him.

4452. Phraates, the king of the Parthians saw Pompey warring so successfully that Armenia and that part of Pontus that was next him was taken by Pompey's commanders. Gabinius had crossed the Euphrates River and was advancing as far as the Tigris River. He was frightened and sent ambassadors to Pompey to renew the peace with the Romans which they had before. The embassy was unsuccessful because Pompey was elated with his present successes and the hopes he had of future conquests. Hence he had little respect for Phraates. Among his arrogant demands, he ordered that Cordenies or Gordyones be given to him. This was a disputed country between Phraates and Tigranes. The ambassadors did not have the authority to do this so they did not reply. Hence, Pompey wrote to Phraates. (Dio. l. 37.)

4453. In his letters Pompey neglected to give Phraates the title of King of kings. All other people gave him this title including the Romans and Pompey did, after in his triumph. He addressed him only as a king. Phraates scorned the letter since his kingdom was plundered also. Pompey did not wait for a reply but sent Afranius immediately with an army into Cordenies. They defeated those Parthians that had invaded it and pursued them as far as Arbelius. Thus they restored the country to Tigranes. (Dio. l. 37. Plut. in Pompey.)

4454. Josephus stated that Gabinius was sent from Armenia into Syria by Pompey (Belli, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.) This we think was Armenia the Lesser into which we have learned from by Plutarch that when Pompey retired there when he had finished the war with the Albanians. Josephus was mistaken by the similarity of the names and thought it was the Greater. Therefore he wrote that at the same time when Pompey was fighting with Tigranes, Gabinius was sent into Syria. This could not be unless with Appian, he made Tigranes defeat to follow after his expedition against the Albanians. This we showed from Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, to be before not after that expedition.

4455. As soon as Scaurus came to Damascus, he found it recently captured by Metellus and Lollius. He left there and understood that something was happening in Judea. He went there as a convenient place. As soon as he had entered the country, he met ambassadors from Hyrcanus that had besieged the temple of Jerusalem and from his brother, Aristobulus who was besieged there. Both asked for his help. When Aristobulus offered 400 talents, Hyrcanus offered him as much. However, Scaurus preferred Aristobulus and when he received his money, he sent ambassadors to Hyrcanus and Areta the king. They were helped by many of the Nabathae although they were not very enthusiastic about the war. He commanded them in the name of the Romans and Pompey, to lift the siege. Aretas was frightened and withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia and Scaurus returned to Damascus. Aristobulus gathered all the forces together that he had and planned to punish Aretas and Hyrcanus. He fought with them at Papyron and defeated them. About 7000 of the enemy were killed including Cephalius, the brother of Antipater. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.)

4456. Pompey returned from Armenia and met with certain kings and rulers, whom Plutarch stated to be 12 barbarian kings. He heard their complaints and gave them his judgments. He confirmed some in their kingdoms. He increased some kingdoms and he took away from others their kingdoms. (Xiphilin ex Dione) Va. Maximus seems to refer to this famous time in history.

4457. Ariobarzanes turned over his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey. Ariobarzanes had taken the throne by Pompey's invitation. When he sat on the throne, he saw his son with his secretary in a place inferior to his dignity and fortune. He could not stand to see his son beneath himself, so he arose from his seat and put the crown upon his head. He urged him to go up to the throne. The young man immediately started weeping and his body trembled and the crown fell to the ground. He could not bring himself to ascend to the throne. Even when his father urged him to receive the kingdom he refused. This matter was not settled until Pompey concurred with his father. Pompey called his son, king and ordered him to take the crown and to sit in the ivory chair. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 7.)

4458. From there, Pompey went into Coelosyria and Phoenicia which were recently liberated from their kings and invaded by the Arabians and Tigranes. He stayed there although Antiochus tried in vain to recapture them. Pompey subdued them and made them into one province. They received the laws from him and were administered according to the custom of the people of Rome. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

4459. Justin, (l. 40. c. 2.) Appian in Mithridatic. (p. 244.) and Porphyrius, (in Gracis Eusebianis Scaliger, p. 227.) stated that this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus. However, the same Appian more correctly in his Syriacis, (p. 119 & 133.) stated that he was Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena. 4 years earlier, either by Lucullus' favour or permission, he was given the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had abandoned. In Pompey's festivals, (which he mentioned on p. 133.) while Pompey was busy in other matters, Antiochus kept it for one whole year. This was after Tigranes had most justly surrendered what he had in Syria to the people of Rome. Although in Pompey's presence he desired his father's kingdom, yet Pompey did not give it to him even though he had done nothing against the people of Rome. Indeed, it was an easy matter for so large an army to oppress an unarmed prince. However, another reason was given in that it seemed unfair that after the ancient kings who had been defeated by Tigranes' armies and driven from Syria, that the kingdom should go to the defeated Seleucians rather than the Romans who defeated them. Pompey did not think it was right to give Antiochus that which he was unable to defend from being invaded by the Jews and Arabians. (Justin. & Appian in places noted above)

4460. When Julius Caesar was an aedile, he won the favour of the people and tried through some of the tribunes to get the government of Egypt by an order from the people. There was a reason for this command in that the Alexandrians had driven out their prince who was an associate and friend of the Romans. The senate disallowed this commission by the people because a large number of the nobles opposed it. (Sueton, in Julio. c. 11.)

4461. Pompey was called into Egypt by Alexander the second who was expelled. Pompey was to quell some rebellions there. He was presented with many gifts like money and clothes for his whole army. Pompey did not go there either from regard of the envy of his enemies or because of the oracle of Sibyl or for some other reasons. (See note on 3948 AM << >>) (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 251.)

4462. Pompey came to Damascus and went about Coelosyria. At that time, ambassadors came to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt and Judea. At the same time, it appears that the 12 kings came to him that Plutarch mentions. Josephus mentioned this from Strabo's history: (Antiq. l. 14. c. 5.)

``There came from Egypt an embassy with a crown of 4000 crowns of gold. Judea sent a vine or a garden which piece of workmanship was called "the Delight". We saw this present at Rome and it was dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitoline with this inscription, "From Alexander, the king of the Jews." It was valued at 500 talents.''

4463. This present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the temple at Jerusalem and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus, whom Pliny among the "Acts of Pompey's Triumphs" described like this: It was a square mountain of gold with harts and lions and all kinds of apples with a vine of gold surrounding it. (Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.)

3940a AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4464. Ambassadors again came from Judea to Pompey, Antipater for Hyrcanus and Nicomedes for Aristobulus. Aristobulus' ambassador complained of Gabinius, that he had received 300 talents of money and later of Scaurus who had received 400 talents to become his enemies. Pompey commanded both parties, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, to appear before him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4465. Afranius came to Syria after the treaty began between Pompey and Phraates. He lost his way as he went and endured much hardship because it was winter and supplies were scarce. He would have died unless he had been rescued by the Macedonian colony of the Carrenses and brought them back. (Dio. l. 37.)

4466. Pompey made his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus and received into favour all those parts of the country which before were hostile. This we gather from the fragments of Dio (l. 37.) which the reader easily may compare them and deduce that this happened in the consulship of Caesar and Figulus. Pompey did not touch any of Mithridates' concubines who were brought to him and sent them back to their parents and kindred. They were mainly the wives and daughters of rulers and commanders. (Plutarch.)

4467. Dio stated that Stratonix was found in the citadel of Symphori and brought to Pompey. She was the daughter of a musician and one of the king's wives or concubines. She was furious that she was abandoned by Mithridates while he was wandering about Pontus. She sent most of the garrison out for provisions and let the Romans in on this single condition. Pompey would take her son Xiphares prisoner and keep him in safety for his mother. She knew of a large treasury that was hidden underground which consisted mainly of many brass vessels bound about with hoops of iron. She told Pompey where it was. He only selected the items he thought would give most splendour to the temple and to his triumph. He gave the rest to Stratonix. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4468. When Mithridates knew of this, he had her son, Xiphares, to be killed while his mother watched on the other side of the river. He then threw away his body without burial and neglected all piety so that he might make her repent of what she had done. (Appian.)

4469. Pompey also took that almost impregnable citadel, called the "New". Mithridates had stored his most valuable things here and Pompey later dedicated these to the capitol. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 556. 557.) Pompey took many of Mithridates' most secret records from there which he freely examined to determine the extent of Mithridates' numbers and his wealth. (Plutarch.) Among them there were also some physical inventions of Mithridates which Pompey ordered Lenaeus, a learned grammarian, to translate into Latin. (Pliny. l. 25. c. 2.)

4470. Phraates sent ambassadors to Pompey by whom he complained of the wrongs he had received. Pompey kept Tigranes the younger as prisoner and Phraates desired that his son-in-law might be returned. He assumed the Euphrates River was the extent of his empire and he warned Pompey of crossing it. Pompey replied that Tigranes ought to be turned over to his father rather than his father-in-law and he would respect his boundaries. (Plut. cum Dio.)

4471. In the spring when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were consuls, Phraates made an expedition against Tigranes. He was defeated in one battle but later he defeated his enemy. (Dio. l. 37.)

4472. In the beginning of the spring, Pompey drew out his forces from their winter quarters and marched into Damascus. On the way, he demolished a citadel in Apamia which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified. Pompey also attacked the country of Ptolemy Mennaeus who was no less dangerous than Dionysius Trioplitanus who was allied to him and beheaded. Ptolemy paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself. Pompey distributed this among his soldiers. He also destroyed the citadel of Lysias whose governor was Silas a Jew. After that he marched by Heliopolis and Chalcis and crossed the middle of the mountain, he came into Coelosyria and from Pella and arrived at Damascus. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4473. There he listened to the Jews and to Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, their princes. They were at odds with each other as their country was with both of them. In their ancient laws, the Jews have a precept that they should give obedience to the priests of God and refused to be governed by kings. These two were of the priestly line but planned to change the government and bring the people into servitude. Hyrcanus complained that his younger brother, had taken most of the country by force and invaded and usurped it. On land he had made hostile invasions on his borders and at sea he had harbours for his pirates. There were above 1000 of the leaders of the Jews whom Antipator had persuaded to confirm what he said was true. On the other side, Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth and he was held in general contempt among the people of his own country. He had taken the government by necessity, lest it might have been transferred to some other family. He called to attest this, some insolent young men who offended everybody by the fineness of their cloths, the exactness of their hair and their other accoutrements. Their dress was much more proper had they come to a triumph rather than a court. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4474. Pompey heard their cases and rebuked the violence of Aristobulus. He dismissed them peaceably with this promise, that he would come himself into their country as soon as he had settled the affairs of the Nabataei. In the meantime he urged them to be peaceful and treated Aristobulus with great civility lest if he were provoked, he would oppose Pompey's journey. However, he gained no favour from Aristobulus, who had arrayed himself with as much splendour as was possible. He did not like the way he was treated and thought it intolerable to endure anything beneath the majesty of a king. He left Diospolis and went to the town of Delius. From there, he went to Judea to order his own affairs. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5. & Belli, l. 1. c. 5.)

4475. When Alexander the 2nd was driven from Egypt, he went to Tyre and died there. In his will, he left his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome. Cicero on his first speech that he made the first day of his consulship said this about that:

``The Decemvirs say, that which was often spoken by many, that Alexander the king had in his last will, left his kingdom to the Romans. The Egyptian wanted to give Alexandria to those privately whom you did oppose publicly and fought with in battle.''

4476. In his second speech, he said more fully:

``What about Alexandria and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lie? How privately is it kept? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant that it is said that kingdom was by Alexander's last will conferred on the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman consul, am so far from determining anything, that I withhold my opinion. For it seems to me no small matter, not only to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the will. I suppose there still are records in the senate concerning their possession of their heritage. After that time when Alexander died, we sent ambassadors to Tyre for the restitution of the money that was disposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirm in the senate. It is granted almost by all sides, that he, who at this time rules, (Ptolemy Auletes) is neither of the royal family nor the honour of a king. On the other side it is said there is no will and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every kingdom. It was the richness of the fool, and the plenty of all things that attracted the people there. Concerning so great an affair, P. Ruffus, with the rest of the his colleagues on the Decemviri will judge.''

4477. It is also reported that when M. Crassus, who was the censor and tried to make Egypt a tributary to the people of Rome, strongly opposed Lutatious Catulus, his colleague in his censorship. The dissention became so sharp that they voluntarily laid down their office and power. (Plutarch in Crasso.)

4478. Pompey wanted to recover Syria and so to pass through Arabia to the Red Sea. In his pursuit of the Albani he had extended the Roman Empire almost to the Hyrcanian (or Caspian) Sea, just as in the west the Roman Empire was bounded by the Atlantic. Likewise in his conquest in the east, he wanted to extend it to the Red Sea. He saw much difficulty in taking Mithridates for he was more troublesome in his flight than when he stood and fought him. He hoped to starve him out by having his ships intercept merchants who traded into the Bosphorus with Mithridates. He threatened them with death if he captured them helping Mithridates. Then Pompey took most of his army and he started his journey. (Plutarch in Pompeio.)

4479. He invaded Coelosyria and Phoenicia. First he overran the Ituraeans and Arabians, (Appian. p. 244. Iutrop, l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 6.) who lived in the hilly country around Libanus and invaded and plundered their neighbours. Their retreats were very strongly fortified. On the hills were Sinna, Borrhama and other strongholds. In the valleys were Botrys, Gigartus besides a port by the sea side. There was a citadel on a mountain called the "face of God". Pompey dismantled it and overran Biblus or Palaebiblus which was a country of Cinyrae. He freed it by cutting off the governor's head. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 755.)

4480. After Afranius had subdued the Arabians near Amanus, he came down to Syria which had no king. He subdued it and made it a Roman province. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 755.) He received a sum of money from Antioch and enfranchised their city but left them to the use their own laws. (Porphyrie in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, p. 227.) He indulged the citizens of Antioch and restored the place of their public confession which was in decay. He respected them greatly since they traced their lineage from the Athenians. (Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico.)

4481. He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong city, which was adjacent to Antioch, its liberty because it had refused to admit Tigranes. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 751. Eutrop. l. 6.) He released the hostages from Antioch. He gave to the Daphnenses a certain parcel of a field for the enlargement of their grove. This place was delightfully pleasant and had plenty of water. (Eutrop. l. 6.) Strabo noted that the grove was 10 miles in circumference and well watered with springs. (l. 16. p. 750.) Sextus Rufus in Breviario wrote that Pompey consecrated this grove of the Daphnenses and enlarged it. Jerom added in his commentary on Ezekiel 16 that it was planted by Pompey's orders by the hands of his soldiers. In his chronicle, he said it was consecrated to Apollo which if spoken of the new trees that were added, may be true. (See not on 3704 AM <<2636>>, & see note on 3834a AM <<3257>> concerning the old grove.

4482. Cato Minor was in Syria and was later called Uticensis. He was a philosopher of the sect of the stoics. Although he was a young man he was held in great esteem. Because of the great friendship between his father and him, he was invited to Syria by Dejotares king or tetrarch of the Galatari. He travelled through Asia and observed the manners, customs and strength of every province he passed through. He always walked on foot while his friends who accompanied him, rode. He came to see Antioch in Pompey's absence and saw a great throng of people in white before the gate. The men were on one side of the way and the children on the other. He thought this ceremony was for him. Therefore he odered his friends to get off their horses and walk with him. As they approached, an old man who ordered and commanded the whole multitude approached and carried in his hand a rod and a crown. He talked first to Cato and without so much as greeting him, he inquired how Demetrius was and when he would come there. Demetrius had been Pompey's servant but was freed and because he had much influence with Pompey, he was reverenced by everybody. Cato's friends burst out laughing. Cato cried out, "O miserable city", and passed on without any other answer. As often as he remembered it, he started laughing at himself. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Cato Minor.)

4483. When Tigranes the Armenian was defeated by Phraates the Parthian, he requested help from Pompey who was then in Syria. Phraates presently sent ambassadors to Pompey and accused both the Romans and Tigranes so earnestly that they made Pompey both afraid and ashamed. So he did not help Tigranes nor, although many urged him to, he did not wage war later with Phraates. He said he had no commands from the people of Rome for that expedition and that Mithridates was still at large. For the present he was contented that Tigranes should meet with misfortune at last. He extenuated Phraates accusations and did not refute them. He hoped to get some difference between him and Tigranes about their boundaries. This worked and he promised to send 3 commissioners who would judge the matter. Pompey sent them and they were received as arbitrators by the kings and settled all differences between them. Tigranes was angry that he did not get help from the Romans. However, Phraates wanted Tigranes to be safe. He would need his help if things came so about in the future against the Romans. It was obvious to both of them that whoever overcame the other, he was certain to have a fight with the Romans and more easily to fall into their power. When they considered this, they made peace. (Dio. l. 37. & Plutarch, & Appian. p. 244.)

4484. While Pompey was thus occupied, Mithridates went around Pontus and took over Panticapaeum which was a market town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontic River. (Appian. p. 244.) He sent also ambassadors to Pompey who was in Syria. Pompey did not know if Mithridates was still alive. They promised that if Pompey would restore him his father's kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome. When Pompey urged that the king should come to him as Tigranes had done, he refused to come. He said this was not suitable to Mithridates but he said he would send his sons and others of his friends. (Appian. p. 245.)

4485. After these things, Mithridates summoned all people indiscriminately as servants as well as free. He made also a great supply of arms, arrows and other engines. He spared nothing, not even their oxen for the plowing. These he killed that he might have their nerves for strings for their bows. He laid a tax also on all the people which was raised but did great harm to many although Mithridates was unaware of that. He was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face. No one could see him but the eunuch that was his doctor. He was finally cured. His army was ready at the same time and consisted of 60 companies each of them containing 600 men and a numerous multitude of ships and places of convenience which his commanders had fortified while he was sick. He carried part of his army to Phanagorium, another town located in the mouth of the river too, so that on all sides he might secure the pass. All this time, Pompey was in Syria. (Appian. p. 245.)

4486. In Bosphorus, while Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there was suddenly violent earthquake which was the greatest in the memory of man, and destroyed many cities and damaged the fields greatly. (Dio. l. 37. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.) This was not the same earthquake that Justin ex Trago mentioned which killed 170,000 men and destroyed many cities in Syria. The prognosticators said this sign predicted a great change in affairs. (Justin. l. 40. c. 2.)

4487. At the same time, Castor that was commander-in-chief for Mithridates in Phanagoriam, killed Tripho the king's eunuch by whom he had been previously abused as he was entering into the town. After this he stirred up the people to fight for their liberty. He led them against the citadel that was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mithridates' children. They got wood and other combustible things together from all places and set the citadel on fire. This forced Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatia, the children of Mithridates to surrender. Among these, Artaphernes was the only personwho was 40 years old. The rest were attractive youths. Cleopatra another daughter stood out against them. Her generosity delighted her father. Mithridates sent a squadron of galleys and rescued her. After Castor controlled the citadel, he sent the children to the Romans. (Appian. p. 245, 246. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

4488. Those citadels which were nearby and recently taken by Mithridates, followed the bad example of the Phanagorenses and also revolted. These were at Chersonessus, Theudosia, Nymphaeum and other places about Pontus that were good military positions. (Appian.)

4489. Mithridates was very angry and killed some of the renegades that he had taken and also many of his friends including Exipodras, one of his children. (Dio. l. 37. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.) Mithridates saw their great problems and suspected the entire army because they were forced and under extraordinary taxes. He thought the adversity of his fortune would always be in the minds of a mutable and constrained people. Therefore he sent his eunuchs to the princes of Scythia, to ask about marrying their daughters. He wanted them to come quickly with their forces to his relief. They were escorted by 500 soldiers and had not gone far from Mithridates, when the soldiers killed the eunuchs. They did this because the eunuchs had great authority with the king and had been always troublesome to them. After this they carried the ladies to Pompey. (Appian.)

4490. Pompey left Syria and crossed into Asia where he furthered his ambition. He did the very thing that he had so much reprehended Lucullus for. While Mithridates still controlled the Bosphorus and had gathered a very considerable army, Pompey disposed of several provinces and conferred gifts. (Plutarch.)

4491. Livy (l. 102.) stated that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates' lifetime. It was added to Galatia and divided into eleven regions and was called Bithynia. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 541.)

4492. Pompey captured Mithridatium from Pontus and gave it to Bogodiatorus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 541.) He made Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sulla and the senate, (See note on 3919 AM <3488>>) the chief priest of Luna. She was a goddess of the Comana in Pontus. Pompey restored the princely dynasty and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two schoeni or 60 stadii (about 7.5 miles) of land. He ordered the inhabitants of Comana to obey Archelaus. Hence he was their prince, and the chief lord of all the priests of that temple. More than 6000 lived in the city. He did not have the power to sell them. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796. & Appian, p. 251.)

4493. Appian stated that Attalus had the kingdom of Paphlagonia given to him by Pompey. (Appian. p. 251.) Eutropius said it was given to Attalus and Polaemenes and Sextus Rufus and Jornandes state that on his deathbed, Polaemenes left the kingdom of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome. Pompey gave Armenia (the Less) to Dejotares, the king of Galatia (or rather tetrarch) because he was an ally in the Mithridatic war. (Eutrop. l. 6.) Pompey thought Dejotares was the best friend the Romans had. (Cicero in Philippica 11.) Therefore Pompey gave to him Godolonite, part of Pontus and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte, the Colchi to Armenia (the Less) and declared him king of that region. Before he had by inheritance from his father, the tetrarch of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia. (Strabo. l. 7. p. 547.) Pompey left Galatia to the tetrarchs of his family. (Strabo l. 7. p. 541. cf. Appian. p. 351.) A little later, it came into the hands of three only, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.)

4494. After Mithridates had lost most of his children, many citadels and his whole kingdom, he was not discouraged. He did not consider the lowness of his condition when he had also lost his dignity and had no hope of any help from Scythia. He journeyed to the Europian Gauls whom he had befriended before. He hoped to get their help. He planned to go through Scythia and Ister so that with them he might cross the Alps into Italy. He hoped many Italians would join him who also hated the Romans. (Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Appian, p. 246. Dio. l. 37.)

4495. The soldiers disliked these grand plans and were afraid of the boldness of the enterprise and the length of the march. They were to fight against men whom they were not able to handle in their own country. They thought Mithridates was in so desperate a condition, that he planned to end his life valiantly than as a defeated man. They stayed with him for a while and quietly let him go on planning because he was no lowly or contemptible prince even under the greatest misfortunes. (Appian.)

4496. Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) to the Red Sea, had often previously invaded Syria. The Romans came to help the Syrians and defeated him. However, he still continued the war. Pompey made an expedition against him and his neighbours. Phraates now behaved himself and Syria and Phoenicia were well settled. (Dio. l. 37.) The soldiers were not all that happy about this expedition for they thought they should be going after Mithridates who was their old enemy and was now recruiting his forces. He was prepared to march through Scythia and Panonia to invade Italy with an army. However, Pompey was satisfied it was nobler to defeat a warring foe than to take the body of a conquered and fleeing enemy. (Plutarch.)

4497. Before Pompey began his journey, he gave a very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky fight they had with Mithridates in Pontus and whom Lucullus had left unburied. Aretas, who before condemned the Roman arms, now was terrified and wrote to Pompey that he would do whatever he would command. However, Pompey, to better know his true feelings, attacked Petra. (Plutarch.) He easily defeated the king and his allies and delivered them to custody (Dio. l. 37.)after he captured their city Petra. (Oros. l. 6. c. 6.) Although Josephus wrote that he did not fight them and went to fight Aristobulus. Plutarch stated that when he was gone a little from Petra, he heard the news of Mithridates' death and he returned from Arabia and came to Amisus.

4498. When P. Servilius Rullus, the tribune of the people at Rome assumed his office, he passed the Agrarian law which created a commission of Decemviri. They were to sell or dispose into colonies all the public revenues in Italy and Syria and the land gained by Pompey. This law was passed in January which, as the year then went at Rome happened on the beginning of the Julian October. This happened when Cicero became consul. He spoke against Ruffus and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. (Cicero in 12. Agraria, & l. 2. ad Attic. ep. 1. cum Plut. in Cicero.)

4499. The Decemviri had the power to sell:

``All those lands which Mithridates had possessed in Paphlagonia, Pontus and Cappadocia.''

4500. In his second Agrarian speech before the people, Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this way:

``Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of the emperor, before the war is ended, when King Mithridates lost his army and is expelled from his kingdom, yet he makes his attempts in the remotest regions and is defended by the rabble and the difficulty of the way and the height of the mountains from the invincible army of Cn. Pompey, while the emperor is engaged in the war and in those very places the name of a war remains? Will the Decemviri sell those lands, which by the custom of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power and at the disposal of Cnius Pompey?''

4501. L. Valerius Flaccus, who was the praetor at Rome, was sent as praetor into Asia. His office in Asia was for one year. Quitus Cicero was the 5th that held it as Mareus Cicero, his brother, witnessed in his speech accusing this Flaccus of bribery.

3941a AM, 4650 JP, 64 BC

4502. Pharnaces plotted against Mithridates. He was his best beloved son and whom he had often appointed his heir in the kingdom. He did this either because he thought the Italian expedition would permanently alienate the Romans or from some other cause or for covetousness. Those who were guilty in the plot were put to the rack. However Menophanes persuaded Mithridates to pardon his son. (Appian.) Dio (as Salianus notes) said nothing of the pardon and stated that men were sent to take Pharnaces whom he persuaded to join his party. After they had taken Panticapaeum, they captured his father. He also noted that although Mithridates was otherwise a very wise king, he never considered that arms and multitudes of his subjects are of little value without their good will and love. On the contrary if they are unfaithful, there is the least safety where the greatest numbers are. Appian made the same observation.

4503. Pharnaces knew that the soldiers were very much against the expedition into Italy. At night, he went to those Romans that had defected to Mithridates and told them of the great danger of their crossing into Italy which they well knew. He promised them great matters if they would stay and he persuaded them to defect from his father. Presently, in the same night, he sent messengers to other nearby tents and persuaded them also to join him. In the morning, first the Italian fugitives and then all the other adjoining camps talked about this and so did the naval forces. With a great shout, they proclaimed their defection. They were not told beforehand of this nor were bribed. They were either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they could not withstand or were overcome by the extremity of the old king's misfortune.

4504. When Mithridates heard the shout of the army, he sent some to know what they wanted. They were told they wanted his son to be king. They wanted a young man instead of an old one who was fond of eunuchs and who caused the death of many sons, captains and friends. When Mithridates heard this, he went out to speak to them himself. Many of his guard defected to the fugitives. They were not received unless they would do something to show their unfaithfulness to the king. They showed them Mithridates' horse which was killed as he was fleeing. They now greeted Pharnaces as king as if they had obtained their heart's desire. Some of them took a very large skin of parchment which they had brought from the temple and put it around his head instead of a diadem.

4505. The old man saw this from the upper porch and sent one after another to Pharnaces to request a safe passage for him but none returned. He feared lest he might be turned over to the Romans. He praised those men and his friends that still stood by him and sent them to the new king. Some were killed by the army on the way, contrary to all expectations. (Appian.) When he had begged from the walls his son in vain and saw him unbending, Mithridates is said to have uttered these words when he was about to die.

``O country gods, if you so grant that at some time or another, he may receive the same words from his children.''

4506. He went to his wives and concubines and gave them poison. (Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

4507. Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him, Mithridatis and Nissa and were betrothed to the king of Egypt and Cyprus, earnestly entreated their father that they might drink their poisoned potion before him. They desired for him to wait until they had done this. (Appian.) However, neither the poison Mithridates always carried about in his sword nor the wound he had given himself with the sword, were sufficient to kill him. Although he walked about most strenuously so that the poison would spread itself through his veins and might act more quickly, nothing happened. He had vaccinated his body against poison with daily preservative medicines, which to this day are called Mithridatica. His sword wound was poorly executed because of his age, his present distresses and the partial effect of the poison. He had not killed himself but still lingered. The wall was now broken down and Bitoetus or Bithocus, a soldier and Gaul wandered about. He was terrified by the majesty of his countenance. Mithridates called him back and caused the soldier's trembling hand to put an end to his life. (Dio. l. 37. cf. Livy, l. 102. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Valer. Max. l. 9. c. 2. Pliny l. 25. c. 2. Justin. l. 37. c. 2. A Gelloi. l. 17. c. 16. Appian. p. 248, Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. c. 76. & Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

4508. Thus Mithridates ended his life at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius.

``A man neither to be passed over in silence, nor to be spoken of without respect. He was most valiant in war, of outstanding virtue, greatest, sometimes in fortune, but always in control. He was a most discreet general and an excellent soldier of his troops.'' (Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 18.)

4509. Cicero (in his Lucullus) called him:

``The greatest king after Alexander.''

4510. Because of these eulogies, I have been as careful about recording his life as I was about Alexander.

4511. Orosius wrote thus of the time of the Mithridatic war: (l. 6. c. 1. fin.)

``The Mithridatic war, or rather the end of the Mithridatic war which involved many provinces, was carried on for 40 years. For it began in the 662nd year after the foundation of Rome, as I said before, (l. 5. c. 19.) in the same year as the first civil war began. This was in the consulship of Cicero and Antony. (that I may use the words of that excellent poet, Lucan.''

"----Barbarico vix consummata veneno"

``Scarcely ended by the barbaric poison of Mithridates. In this time there are found 30 years of that war. Why most write 40, is not easy to know.''

4512. We read in Justin, (l. 37. c. 1.) that Mithridates warred with the Romans for 40 years. Appian, in the beginning of his Mithridatics, (p. 170.) said that the Mithridatic war lasted 42 years. (in Syriac. p. 118. & Mithridatics, p. 249.) Florus (l. 3. c. 5.) agrees with Appian. However Eutropius (l. 6.) only allows 40 years. In Pliny, (l. 7. c. 26.) the title placed by Pompey in the temple of Minerva showed that this war lasted only 30 years. From the beginning of the first Mithridatic war to the death of Mithridates is only 26 years. This includes those years of the peace between the two wars. So that the war may be said to last 30 years to make it a round figure. Cicero (Orat. in L. Pisonem.) in his consulship hinted that he defended C. Rabirius 40 years earlier, who was guilty of treason, for the murder of Saturninus by the authority of the senate. Dio (l. 37.) more accurately said this happened 36 years before. For more information consult that Pisconian speech by Asconius Pedianus.

4513. At that time when Pompey was in Judea, he was angry with Aristobulus and marched against him. Hyrcanus urged him to do this. He went with the Roman legions and with the auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus, and in other parts of Syria. He went through Pella and Scythopolis and came to Coreae near the border of Judea toward the Mediterranean. He learned that Aristobulus had fled into Alexandrion, a good citadel that was located on the top of an hill. He summoned Aristobulus to come to him. He was persuaded by many of his friends not to start a war against the Romans and he came to Pompey. After he discussed his title with his brother Hyrcanus about the kingdom, Pompey gave him permission to retire to his citadel again. He did this 2 or 3 times and always flattered Pompey. He hoped to get the kingdom and feigned that he would obey Pompey in all things. In the meanwhile, he returned and fortified the citadel. He prepared for war, for fear lest the kingdom should be given to his brother Hyrcanus. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.)

4514. Pompey commanded Aristobulus to surrender the citadels and he wrote to the governors concerning this. They would not have obeyed him, unless the letters had been written with Aristobulus own hand. Aristobulus submitted, but in discontent, he went to Jerusalem. He fully intended to prepare for war. Pompey immediately followed him with his army and thought it best not to give him any time for preparation. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.)

4515. As Pompey was marching near Jericho, a messenger came and told him that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces. (Joseph. Belli, l. 1. Antiq. l. 14, c. 6.) Those who brought the news wreathed their javelins' heads with laurels. There was no high place for Pompey to speak to the soldiers. The camp was made with turfs that were cut and laid one on top of another. Hence they made a mound. Pompey ascended this mound and told his soldiers that Mithridates had killed himself and that Pharnaces had reserved all things for himself and the Romans. (Plutarch in Pompey)

4516. Thereupon the army greatly rejoiced and spent their time in sacrificing and feasting as if by Mithridates death, had died huge numbers of their enemies. Pompey was very glad that he had put an end to all Mithridates' acts and expeditions much easier than he thought he would. (Plutarch in Pompey) For Mithridates had worried Pompey so much that although he conquered all his kingdom, he did not think the war was over as long as Mithridates was alive. (Cicero, pro Murena.) Lucan mentions Pompey bragging about this:

Skulking about Pontus, and while he watched to bring Ruin to the Romans that untamed king, With better luck than Sulla, I've made to die.

4517. Pompey first camped at Jericho where there was most excellent dates and balsam which was the most precious of all ointments. The next morning he marched toward Jerusalem. Aristobulus was sorry for what he had done and came and met him. He promised him money and that he would surrender himself and the city to him. He only desired that there would be no war and that things would be settled peaceably. Pompey pardoned him and sent Gabinius with the soldiers to receive the money. They returned without either for Aristobulus' soldiers would not honour his promise. Pompey became very angry and committed Aristobulus to custody. He marched in person against the city. It was strongly fortified except toward the north side which was easiest to be battered. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 15. c. 7.)

4518. The citizens within the city were divided. Those that sided with Hyrcanus, said that the city should be surrendered to Pompey. Many agreed who feared the determination of the Romans. However, Aristobulus' side ordered the gates to be shut and to prepare for war because Pompey held the king prisoner. These first seized the temple and cut down the bridge by which they went into the city. They stood prepared to fight. Hyrcanus' party received the army within the city and turned over to Pompey the city and the king's palace. Pompey committed these to Piso, his lieutenant who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the temple. First he offered the besieged conditions of peace. When they refused, Pompey prepared for a general assault and was helped by Hyrcanus in all matters. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)

4519. Pompey camped on the north side of the city, which was the easiest to attack. There were also high towers and a handmade ditch in addition to a deep valley which was around the temple. All places around the city went down quite steeply especially where the bridge was taken away and on the side where Pompey camped. However, the Romans raised mounts daily and cut down trees around there. They filled up the trench with materials that the soldiers brought. The work was very difficult because the trench was so deep and the Jews fought from above. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)

4520. Josephus stated that if the Jews had not observed the sabbath, the Romans could not have finished the mounts for the Jewish resistance. For the law permitted the Jews to defend themselves against an attacking enemy but not to hinder any work that the enemy does. This is not a written law but received by tradition from their doctors. When the Romans knew the way the Jews acted on the sabbath, they did not shoot any arrows against the Jews nor fought with them in any way. They only erected their mounts and towers and planted their engines so that they might use them on the next day against the Jews. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.) King Agrippa (Joseph. Bell. l. 2.) said that Pompey especially chose those days to carry on the war to prevent the Jews from attacking them on their sabbath.

4521. Pompey's letters were read in the senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the end of that war. Cicero, the consul, proposed that there was to be a procession for 12 days decreed for Pompey. (Cicero, de provinciis Consularibus.) The Romans kept these festival days, to celebrate being freed from a great enemy. (Appian. p. 250.)

4522. Titus Ampius and Titus Labienus, who were the tribunes of the people, proposed a law that Pompey should wear a laurel crown and the triumphal clothes in the Circensian and Scenical plays. He only wore the purple gown and a laurel crown once in these plays. (Vellei, Patercul. l. 2. c. 40. Dio. l. 37.)

4523. At Jerusalem the trench was being filled and the tower fitted upon the mounts. The engines from Tyre were placed and the Romans shot huge stones and battered the temple stones. However, the towers were exceeding strong and beautiful and endured the assaults of the besiegers. The Romans were very tired and Pompey wondered at the faithfulness of the Jews. Among others, he especially marvelled at their constantly observing the whole service of God amid all their enemies' attacks as if they were at peace. All the time of the attacks, they performed the daily sacrifices. Twice a day, the priests in the morning and at the 9th hour offered sacrifices on the altar. They did not stop their sacrifices no matter what happened. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4524. The Latin Feriae were held at Rome. (This feast was not on a set day but appointed by the magistrates.) At this feast, a comet appeared and the moon was eclipsed on the 7th day of the Julian November, 2 hours after midnight. Concerning this, Cicero in the second book of his consulship mentions in these verses.

''When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst, and when With glad milk the Latina celebratedst, then Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight, And thou a conflict fancydst in the night. Which time scarce escaped inauspicious; when The moon withdrew her light and sight from men, And on a sudden left a starry night.''

4525. In the 3rd month of the siege of Jerusalem, the largest tower fell after being shaken by the many batteries of the ram. A large part of the wall fell with it. Through this breach large numbers of the enemy broke into the temple. The first man who climbed the wall, was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sulla, with his band of soldiers. Immediately after him, came the centurion Furius with his regiment and between them both, the centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his soldiers. These surrounded the temple while some fought to hide themselves. Others made some resistance and were killed. Although many priests saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn swords, they were not at all dismayed and continued their sacrifices. They were slain even while they offered and burned incense in the temple. They preferred to observe their religious duty rather than save their own lives. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4526. All the places were full of the dead. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans and others by their own countrymen of the opposing faction. Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks. Others set their houses on fire and burnt themselves alive. They could not endure to behold those things that were done by the enemy. About 12,000 Jews died. Very few of the Romans were killed but many wounded. Among the captives was Absalom, the uncle and father-in-law of Aristobulus and the son of John Hyrcanus. Josephus {Josephus, Antiq, l. 13. c. 20.} wrote that he was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private life. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4527. The temple was taken on the fast day when C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls in the 179th Olympiad. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} Eusebius {Eusebius, Demponstrat. Evangel., l. 8. c. 2.} stated that it was at the start of the year in the holy fast of the 3rd month on which the city was later taken by Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.} It is to be taken for the 3rd month of the civil year which started in the autumn according to the Hebrews and other eastern accounts. {Josephus, Antiq, init. c. 4.} {Jerom, in the beginning of Ezekiel} That is it was the 3rd month of the Syrians called by them, the "Former Canun" and by the Hebrews "Chisleu". It was on the 28th day of this month the Jews, even to this very day, keep a fast in memory of the sacred roll being burnt by wicked Jehoiakim. Jer 36:9,22,23 (See note on 3398 AM <<782-6>>) This fast was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians. Peritrope noted that on the same day of the same month, the temple was taken after 543 years by Pompey when the Jews began to serve the Romans. Again 26 years later, it was taken by Sosius when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean and his posterity. The 28th day of the month Chisleu corresponds to the 28th day of the Julian December this year and (which also is worth noting) it was on a Saturday or the Jewish sabbath when the temple was taken by assault. Dio notes that this was reckoned the 79th year from the 170th of the Greek empire, in which it is read that the yoke of the heathen was taken away from Israel. /APC 1Ma 13:41 From this, it may be gathered how short a time they enjoyed their liberty.

4528. Pompey and many others entered the temple and saw those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the high priest. In the temple there was the table, candlesticks, with the lamps, all vessels for sacrifice, the censers all of gold and an huge pile of spices. In the treasuries of sacred money they found about 2000 talents. Pompey did not touch any of this but on the next day he ordered them that had the charge of the temple to purify and cleanse it and to offer their solemn sacrifices to God. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

4529. Pompey restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus because he had readily helped him in the siege and he had hindered the Jews that were in the whole country from joining with Aristobulus. (Joseph. Bell. l. 1. c. 5. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.) Pompey also gave him the kingdom but forbid him to wear a crown. From this time plus the previous 9 years in which he was high priest during the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was the high priest for another 24 and an half years. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.}

4530. Pompey put to death those that were the main cause of the war and gave great honours and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.}

3941b AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4531. Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} {Eusebius, Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. l. 2.} and he took away the cities which they had previously conquered in Coleosyria. He ordered them to obey their own governors and reduced the boundaries of the country to their ancient bounds. As a favour to Demetrius of Gadara, a libertine of his, (of whose insolence, Plutarch mentions {Plutarch, in Pompey}) he rebuilt Gadara which the Jews had previously destroyed. He restored the inhabitants to their inland cities of Hippon, Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, Samaria, Marissa, Azotus, Jamnia and Arathusa. He did not restore the inhabitants to any city that was destroyed. He did the same with the coastal towns of Gaza, Joppe, Dora and the town of Straton. It was later magnificently rebuilt by Herod and called Caesarea. Pompey set at liberty these cities and annexed all of them to the province of Syria. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.}

4532. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.}

``Hyrcanus and Aristobulus through their quarrelling and dissentions, were the cause of this calamity to the inhabitants of Jerusalem. For at that time, we first began to lose our liberty and were made subject to the government of the Romans. In addition, we were forced to surrender to the Syrians that country we had recently taken from them in war. Also the Romans have exacted from us more than 10,000 talents in a short time.''

4533. After this Josephus affirms {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 12.} that Crassus alone took so much from the temple. He may be understood to speak here of the tributes and taxes imposed on the people.

4534. It is interesting to compare what Josephus wrote with other non-Jewish historians about Pompey's action against the Jews. Cicero, in whose consulship these things happened is the main writer. We found this testimony of Pompey's restraint. {Cicero, Pro Flacco}

``When C. Pompey had taken Jerusalem, he removed nothing from that temple. As in all things, first he acted most wisely in this. In so large and rebellious a city, he permitted no place for the speeches of slanderous detractors. I think the religion of the Jews was no offence, but a shame to this excellent emperor.''

4535. As much as could be expected from a heathen, he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner.

``Every city has its particular religion and we have ours. While Jerusalem stood and the Jews were at league with us, their religion did abhor the splendour of the sacred rites of our empire, the majesty of our name and the institutions of our ancestors. Now, which is more, that nation showed their opinion of us by their arms, it is sufficiently obvious how dear they are to the immortal gods in that they are conquered, farmed and made servants.''

4536. From Titus Livy, {Livy, l. 102.} we find this.

``Cn. Pompey subdued the Jews and took their temple, which until that time had been undamaged.''

4537. Unless we should think that Eutropius and Orosius (as they did in many other parts of their histories) borrowed this from him. Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 6.} stated this:

``...passing over against the Jews, the 3rd month he took Jerusalem, the capital of the country. 12,000 Jews were killed and the rest were taken into league.''

4538. Orosius {Orosius, l. 6. c. 6.} wrote that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews:

``over whom Aristobulus reigned after he expelled his brother, Hyrcanus (who was the first king of a priest).''

4539. This shows that he took this part of his history not from Josephus but someone less knowledgable in the Jewish affairs. In spite of this, he accurately relates what Pompey did.

``He sent Gabinius with an army to Jerusalem, their city. He presently came later and was received into the city by the chief elders. He was driven from the walls of the temple by the common people and he planned to take it. The place was well fortified by its natural location and surrounded by a very large wall. Notwithstanding one legion after another, night and day, without stopping attacked the walls. He took 3 months to capture it. Finally after much trouble, he captured it. 13,000 (Josephus and Eutropius have 12,000) Jews were killed and the rest made a truce. Pompey ordered the walls of the city to be levelled to the ground. After he had beheaded some princes of the Jews, he restored Hyrcanus to the high priesthood and brought Aristobulus as a prisoner to Rome.''

4540. Strabo (Strabo, l. 6.) wrote:

``When Judea was now openly oppressed with tyranny, Alexander was the first who had made himself king instead of priest. His sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus fought for the government. Pompey came in and deposed and demolished their bulwarks and first took Jerusalem by force. That wall was all of stone and well guarded. Inside they were well supplied with water, but outside, it was very dry. It had a ditch cut in the rock, 60 feet deep, and 250 feet wide. The walls of the temple were made of the stone that were cut out from the ditch. Pompey took it, as it is reported, by taking the opportunity of a fast day, in which they abstained from all manner of labours. When he had filled the ditch, he crossed the wall by his scaling ladders. He commanded all the walls to be demolished, and as much as he could, destroyed all the places of robbers and all those places where the tyrant's treasures were stored. Two of them were located in the entrance in Jericho, Thrax, and Taurus, the rest were Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, Macharus, Lysias, and some places about Philadelphia, Scythopolis also next to Galilee. {Strabo, l. 6. p. 792, 763.} Later, Pompey took away some places, that the Jews had captured by force and made Hyrcanus, the high priest. {Strabo, l. 6. p. 764, 765.}

4541. In Lucan, {Lucan, Pharsalia, l. 3} stated that among the other countries that Pompey conquered, that Judah was described thus:

To the Arabs and the war like Heniochi tamed And the fleece deprived Colchi I am known: my famed Ensigns the Cappadocians, and the Jews, who adore, An unknown God, and soft Sophene: fear full sore Taurus, Armenia and Cilicia I have subdued.

4542. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Pompey} stated:

``He subdued Judea and took their king Aristobulus.''

4543. Appian {Appian, in Mithridaticis, p. 244} said this:

``He made war upon Aretas, the king of the Arabians of Nabathea, and the Jews also who had revolted from their king, Aristobulus. He took Jerusalem, a city which in their conceit they thought most holy.''

4544. In Appian {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} he stated:

``Only the country of the Jews remained unconquered, whose King Aristobulus, the conquering Pompey, sent to Rome. He overthrew the walls of Jerusalem, the greatest and most holy city in all that country.''

4545. Cornel. Tacitus, {Tacitus, Histories, l. 5. c. 9.} stated:

``Cn. Pompey was the first that conquered the Jews of all the Romans and entered the temple by right of conquest. There was first published that their temple was on the inside without any images and had an empty seat. The walls of Jerusalem were thrown down but the temple stood still.''

4546. L. Florus, {Florus, History, l, 3. c. 9.} said concerning the same:

``Pompey marched through Libanus in Syria and Damascus. He placed the Roman ensigns. He passed through those sweat smelling groves of frankincense and balms. The Arabians were at his service. The Jews were afraid to defend Jerusalem. He also entered and saw openly that grand mystery of that wicked nation as under a sky of beaten gold. (Concerning this see {Lypsius, Elector., l. 2. c. 5.}) The brothers were at odds about the kingdom and Pompey was made the umpire. He gave the kingdom to Hyrcanus and put irons on Aristobulus for refusing to abide by the agreement.''

4547. Dio, {Dio, l. 37.} in the consulship of M. Tullius Cicero, and C. Antonius, stated:

``Pompey marched into Syria Palestine because their inhabitants had invaded Phoenicia. This country was governed by two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. They were at odds with each other at that time about the priesthood of God which is the same as ruling the kingdom with them. One of them filled the city with seditions. Pompey therefore presently, without fighting, conquered Hyrcanus because he had no forces able to resist him. Aristobulus was besieged in a certain citadel and was forced to accept conditions of peace. Since he would neither give him money nor surrender the castle, Pompey cast him into prison and then easily conquered the rest. The taking of Jerusalem caused Pompey much trouble. He easily took the city and was let in by those that favoured Hyrcanus. However, he did not easily take the temple that was seized by them of the opposing faction. It was located on an hill and fortified with a wall of stone. If they had defended it on all days, it would never have been conquered. They did not defend it on Saturdays and because they rested from all work on those days, they gave the Romans the opportunity of overthrowing the wall. For when they observed this custom of the enemies, they did nothing against the wall on the other days. When the week was past and Saturday came, then they started working heartily and took the temple by force. Finally the Jews were overcome and did not defend themselves. Their treasures were taken away and the kingdom was given to Hyrcanus. Aristobulus was carried away prisoner. These things happened at this time in Palestine.''

4548. While Pompey made war about Judea, Ptolemy (Auletes) maintained 8000 cavalry at his own expense and feasted 1000 guests with as many gold drinking cups. He always changed the cups as they changed the dishes, as Varro relates. {Pliny, l. 33.} He was paid annually 12,500 talents in tribute from Egypt, as Cicero said in a speech (which is lost.) {Strabo, l. 17. p. 799.} Although Diodorus Siculus stated that the revenue of Egypt at this time was only 6000 talents.

4549. Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey. {Appian. p. 253.}

4550. Pompey left the government of Coelosyria to Scaurus, from Euphrates River as far as the borders of Egypt. Pompey departed into Cilicia with two legions and took Aristobulus prisoner with him with his two sons and two daughters. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 8.} One son called Alexander, escaped on his journey but the younger, called Antigonus with his sisters were carried to Rome. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5. fin.}

4551. Appian wrote that when Pompey left Syria he put his quaester, Scaurus in charge. (Appian, in Syriacis, p. 119.} {Josephus, Wars, l. 5. p. 676. 677.} Josephus added {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 8} that he gave the government of Syria and Judea, also to Scaurus. Also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus, l. 14.} affirmed this:

``After Pompey had conquered the Jews and taken Jerusalem, he arranged Palestine into the form of a province, he committed its jurisdiction to a governor.''

4552. Hyrcanus retained the name of king but without a crown. He was so dull witted, that the governors of Syria took the power to themselves. They managed the tributes and all other things at their own pleasure in Palestine. This we shall see later in the government of Gabinius.

4553. When Cicero and Antonius were consuls, on the 9th day before the month of October, Octavian was born to Octavian and his wife, Atia who was sister of C. Julius Caesar. {Suetonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} Octavian was later called Caesar Augustus and in whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ, the saviour of the world, was born. Lu 2:1,6,7. Julius Marathus reported that a few months before Augustus was born, a prodigy or oracle happened at Rome and was publicly known. It stated that nature was about to bring forth a king over the people of Rome. The senate was afraid and made a law that no male child that was born that year should be raised. Those whose wives were pregnant objected for everyone thought this sign may apply to their future son. They said this act should not be brought into the treasury and then enrolled. Suetonius {Seutonius, in Octavio, c. 4, 5.} confirms his birthday on the 9th of the month of October. Augustus agrees with Suetonius in a letter to his nephew Caius. {Gellius. l. 15. c. 7.} The new calendar {in Scriptionibus Gruteri 133.}, the Narbon stone {in Scriptionibus Gruteri, p.229.} and Dion {Dion, l. 56.} state that he was born on the 23rd of September. For in the Julian September of 30 days, the 9th of the month of October is the 23rd of September. Although in the Pompilian September which has but 29 days, it is the 22nd of the same month. However, September, as the year was (before the corrections of Julius Caesar) at Rome, happened in June of the Julian period 4651.

4554. The Catiline conspiracy broke out at Rome. Q. Martius Rex and Q. Metellus Creticus were both generals in the city. They were both prevented from a triumph by the false accusation of some few, whose custom it was to assail all things whether honest or false. {Sallust, in conjuration. Catiline}

4555. The Philadelphians calculate their years from the second year of the 179th Olympiad. {Fasti Siculi} This Philadelphia is not far from Judea concerning which Josephus, {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 5.} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 760,763.} notes that around that area was the hang out of thieves. It was captured this year and the thieves taken away by Pompey. This may explain the reason of the first institution of this epoch.

4556. Pompey marched around the rest of Cilicia which did not acknowledge the Roman power and subdued it to Roman authority without a fight {Appian, p. 244.} except that part which was occupied by the Eleuthero-Cilices. Their town was located in the mountain Amanus and they were later conquered by Cicero, the proconsul of Syria.

4557. Pharnaces sent to Pompey the body of his father Mithridates preserved in brine. He surrendered to him both himself and his kingdom. {Dio. l. 37.} Appian wrote that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a galley along with those that had taken Manius Aquilius and many Greek and barbarian hostages. Pharnaces desired that he might retain either his father's kingdom or the Bosphorus only which his brother Machan had received from Mithridates. Plutarch says that when Pompey came to Amisus, he found many gifts brought from Pharnaces and many of the royal family. The corpse of Mithridates was not very well known by his face but was known by the scars by them who desired to see that sight. Pompey did not see it but sent it to Synope.

4558. Pompey thought that all hostility died with Mithridates and did no harm to the corpse but ordered it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers. {Dio, l. 37.} He turned the corpse over to them who would take care of it and paid for the funeral. He ordered that it should be royally interred at Synope. He commended Mithridates for the excellence of his exploits as the most famous king of his time. {Appian, p. 250.}

4559. Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparel and the arms he wore. However, Publius stole the scabbard of his sword which cost 400 talents and sold it to Ariarathes. Caius, the foster brother of Mithridates, privately gave Mithridates' hat of wonderful workmanship, to Faustus, the son of Sulla who begged it from him. Pompey did not know about this but when Pharnaces found out later, he punished those that had done those things. {Plutarch}

4560. Pompey enrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allies of the people of Rome. {Appian, p. 251.} {Dio, l. 37.} He also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces because he had freed Italy from many difficulties. The Phanagorenses were not given to Pharnaces. Pompey granted them their liberty because they were the first to trouble Mithridates by revolting from him when he was again gathering up his forces and when he had an army and fleet. By their example to others, they were the cause of his downfall. {Appian, p. 250.} After Pompey left, Pharnaces attacked the Phanagorenses and their neighbours until through famine, they were forced to come out and fight with him and were defeated. He did not harm them and he received them into friendship with him and only took hostages from them. {Appian, p. 253,254.}

4561. Pompey recovered the citadels in Pontus. They were surrendered personally to Pompey by the garrisons that controlled them because they thought if they turned them over to anyone else the treasure would be looted and they would be held accountable. {Dio, l. 37.} The city of Talaura was the place where Mithridates stored his belongings. They found 2000 cups of onyx stone that were fastened together with gold. They also found many cups for hot and cold drinks as well as beds and chairs that were all most splendid. They found bridles for horses and trappings for breasts and shoulders that were all covered with gold and precious stones. The treasurer spent 30 days recording what was found. Part of the treasure came from Darius, the son of Hystaspes, and was handed down to his successors. Cleopatra had deposited part of the Ptolemy treasure at Cos which Mithridates had carried from there when the citizens handed it over to him. Some of the treasure belonged to Mithridates who was being extremely desirous to have a rich household of stuff. {Appian, p. 251, 252.}

4562. At Rome at the time when consuls are elected, Cicero, the consul, made a speech for Murena who was chosen consul for the following year. He was accused for unlawful bribery for the office. In the speech Cicero says that the army of L. Lucullus, which had come to his triumph, came to help Murena in demanding the consulship. Concerning this triumph, Cicero, {Cicero, on Lucullus} mentions this:

``When he returned the conqueror from the Mithridatic war, he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done, through the false accusations of his enemies. We that are consuls, were most honoured to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city.''

4563. C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him, as if he had embeazelled much of the spoils and had protracted the war. Hence he persuaded the people that they should deny Lucullus his triumph. However, the noble men, and those that were most in authority, intermixed with the tribes and they intreated them so much by suit and persuasion that finally they persuaded them to allow Lucullus' triumph. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4564. He made his triumphant entry not burdensome for its long show nor for the number of things that he brought there as many captains had done before him. Instead he outfitted the show place (called Circus Flaminius) with a large number of the enemy's weapons and with the king's battering engines. This was a pleasant sight to see. In their triumph there was a certain company of bravely armed men, ten chariots with scythes, and 60 friends and captains of the two kings and 110 long ships that were armed on their prows. Also displayed was a six foot high solid gold statue of Mithridates and a shield set with precious stones, the crown of Trigranes, twenty cupboards of silver plate and 32 cupboards of golden vessels and armour and coins. These were carried upon men's shoulders. Eight mules carried golden beds, 56 carried silver bullion and 107 that carried silver coins worth a little less than 2,700,000 drachmas. Moreover, there were books of accounts carried of what he had given to his own soldiers which was 950 drachmas a piece. Then Lucullus feasted all the cities and villages around there. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4565. After the triumph, an account was given of the Mithridatic war. Lucullus engaged in a lifestyle that was far more magnificent than ancient temperance and behaviour of the Romans of old. He was the first of the Romans that brought in all manner of luxuries after that he had received the riches of the two kings, Tigranes and Mithridates. {Nicolaus Damascen. Historiar. l. 27.} {Athenaeus, l. 6. c. ult. & l. 12. c. 21.} Velleius Paterculus also confirms that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings and household goods. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 33.}

3942a AM, 4651 JP, 63 BC

4566. Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria, which Mithridates Eupator had built and called after his own name and destroyed it again because it entertained the Romans. Pompey gave to it lands and inhabitants and called it Magnopolis. {Strabo. l. 12. p. 556.} {Appian. p. 251.} He built Cabira into a city and called it Diopolis. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.} He appointed laws and statutes for the Bithynians and those of Pontus. Pliny, the praetor of Bithynia, mentioned these in his letter to Trojan. {Pliny, l. 10.}

4567. Pompey marched from Pontus into Asia (properly so called) and wintered at Ephesus. {Dio, l. 37.} When he had finished his task on sea and land, he ordered the cities of Asia to furnish him with a fleet, equivalent to the price of L. Sulla's imposition which he described. {Cicero, pro Flacco.}

4568. L. Valerius Flaccus, who in the previous year was praetor at Rome, was this year praetor of Asia. {Cicero, pro Flacco.}

3942b AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4569. About the end of winter, Pompey distributed the rewards to his conquering army. Each received 1500 Attic drachmas. (Plutarch confirms that each man received at least that much.) The tribunes and centurions received amounts according to their dignity. The total sum of money was calculated to be 16,000 talents. {Appian, p. 252.} He gave to the lieutenants and quaestors that defended the sea coast, 2000 festertium's and to each of the soldiers, fifty, if Pliny is correct. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.}

4570. When D. Julius Silanus and L. Murena were consuls, Metellus had a triumph for conquering Crete {Eutrop. l. 6.} in the month of June. (For as much as we can gather from the fragments of the triumphal marbles.) This was in the Julian March. The main attraction of the triumph was the captive captains who Pompey took from him. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40} He took Lasthenes and Panares with the help of one of the common people whom he persuaded to. {Dio, l. 36.} However, the triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every good man because of their merit and especially in envy to Pompey {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 34.} Appian also makes mention of the triumph of Metellus Creticus. {Appian, Legat. 30.}

4571. Cato came to Ephesus to greet Pompey as one that was older and greater in dignity than he. When Pompey saw him come, he would not allow him to come to him as he sat in his seat but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men. He took Cato by the hand and embraced and greeted him. He commended Cato in the presence of all men both when he was present and when he was absent. However, Pompey was glad when he was gone as though he could not command freely when he was there. He also commended to Cato the care of his wife and children. Pompey never did this to any others that sailed to Rome although indeed Cato was allied to them. {Plutarch, in Cato Minore.}

4572. Pompey had partly by war overcome many princes and kings, and partly allied them to him by firm conditions of peace. He had taken not less than 900 cities and rebuilt 39 cities that were either ruined or destroyed in war (as was Mazaca the head city of Cappadocia) and had enlarged eight cities and countries with colonies. He instructed the most of the countries through Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws and ordained a commonwealth for them. Finally, he sailed from Ephesus through the islands and Greece and went toward Italy in very great pomp. {Dio, l. 37.} {Appian, p. 251.} {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4573. When Pompey was come to Lesbos, he released the city of all taxes as a favour to Theophanes. {Plutarch, in Pompey} For the Mitylenians had surrendered Marius Aquilius and other prisoners. They were granted liberty by Pompey as a favour to Theophanes. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 18.} This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian, a writer of Pompey's deeds. Pompey esteemed him as one of his most intimate friends and made him a citizen of Rome in the presence of the whole army. The Greeks bestowed divine honours on Theophanes when he died. {Cicero, pro Archia poeta} {Strabo, l. 13. p. 617.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 14.} {Tacitus, Annals, l. 6. c. 1.} {Julius Capitolinus, in Maximo & Balbino}

4574. At Mitylene, Pompey saw the poets perform plays. The theme of all the performances was Pompey's deeds and acts. Pompey was very delighted with the theatre and made a plan of it so that he might make a similar one at Rome only larger and more magnificent. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4575. When he came to Rhodes, he heard the sophists dispute and gave each of them a talent. Posidonius had written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the rhetorician about the general question. {Plutarch, in Pompey} As Pompey was about to go into Posidonius' house, he forbid his lictor (as the manner was) to knock on the door, and he himself laid down the lictor's rod, at the door, to whom both the east and the west submitted. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 20.} Concerning this meeting Cicero {Cicero, Tusculine Questions, l. 2.} relates this based on Pompey's own account:

``I have often seen Posidonius myself but I will tell you what Pompey had often said to me. As he came from Syria and arrived at Rhodes, he intended to hear Posidonius. When he heard that he was very sick and in great pain with the gout, he still wanted to see that famous philosopher. When Pompey had seen him and greeted him, he gave him very good compliments. Pompey told him that he was very sorry that he could not hear him. He replied that he may and would not allow that pain of his body to frustrate the arrival of so great a man to me. So Pompey told me that the philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject, "That there was nothing good, but what was honest." He was all on fire as it were with pain, as if so many torches had been put to him. He often said in pain, "All that you do is nothing, although you are troublesome, yet I will never confess you are evil."''

4576. Some also say that Pompey came to Rhodes at the time he went to the Mithridatic war. The time when he was about to march against Mithridates, was the time when he talked to Posidonius. As Pompey was leaving, he asked him if he would advise him in anything. Posidonius repeated that verse in Homer:

``Act nobly and remember to excel.''

4577. This is recorded in Strabo. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 492.}

4578. When Valerius Flaccus was praetor, he commanded the cities of Asia to furnish him with money and sailors for a fleet. This fleet was half the size of the one Pompey used. He divided it into two squadrons. One was to sail north of Ephesus and the other south. In this fleet, M. Crassus sailed from Aenus, (in Thrace) into Asia, and Flaccus from Asia into Macedonia. Each year gold was exported (in the name of the Jews) from Italy and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem. Therefore, Flaccus ordered that no gold should be exported from Asia. At Apamea more than an hundred pounds of gold was intercepted. It was weighed before the praetor himself in the court of Sextus Coesius, a Roman equestrian at Laodicea. More than twenty pounds of gold was weighed before L. Peducaeus at Adramirum by the lieutenant Cn. Domitius. At Pergamus not much gold was taken. (??) This gold was stored in the treasury. These things are mentioned in Flaccus' speech for him and defended these actions. (??)

4579. Scaurus, who was left president of Syria by Pompey, marched into Arabia. Because the way was difficult, he did not go as far as Petra. However, he wasted the country around there. He endured much suffering for his army was afflicted with famine even though Hyrcanus by Antipater's means supplied him with grain and other needs from Judea. Antipater also was sent as ambassador from Scaurus, to Aretas, because he was his very close friend. He tried to persuade him that by paying a sum of money, he might redeem his country from destruction. He paid to him 300 talents on the condition that the war was ended. Thus the war ended to the satisfaction of neither Scaurus nor Aretas. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiquit., l. 14. c. 3.} Scaurus had a silver coin to be stamped in his aedilship. One side showed a king wearing barbarous clothes who kneeled before Scaurus. He was wearing a loose coat and hose. He was presented a crown from him that was riding on a camel's back. These letters were written about it, "M. SCAVRVS AED. CVR. EX. S. C." This meant "M. Scaurus aedile by the decree of the senate." Below was written "REX ARETAS", or King Aretas. {Pighius, Annals Roman, tom. 3. p. 341. 362.}

4580. When Pompey had sent his lieutenant Piso to demand the consulship for Piso, the Romans deferred the request until Piso arrived. They chose Piso as consul by the general consent. This commendation of Piso by Pompey was confirmed by both his friends and enemies for they were all afraid of Pompey before he had dismissed his army. {Dio, l. 37.}

3943a AM, 4652 JP, 62 BC

4581. About the time of Piso's consulship, (in the Julian November) Pompey came into Italy. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 9. & 11.} It was feared that he would come with his army and he would order the public liberty after his own pleasure and make himself lord of all Italy and all the power of the Romans. As soon as he came to Brundusium, he voluntarily discharged all his forces, before there came to him any decree either from the senate or the people. {Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 40.} {Plutarch} {Appian} {Dio} Plutarch said that when Pompey had kindly discharged his soldiers, he ordered them to meet him again at his triumph. However, Dio affirmed that he did not intend to use them at his triumph. {Dio, l. 37.}

4582. In a speech at Rome, Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 kings. {Oros. l. 6. c. 6.} When he received command for Asia, it was the outmost province but now when he restored it to his country again it was the middlemost. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} {Florus l. 3. c. 5.}

4583. Q. Tullius Cicero, the younger brother of Marcus, was chosen to be praetor by lot over Asia and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus. {Cicero, Pro Flacco} {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1.}

4584. When he was to go into his province, he wanted that T. Pomponius Atticus, his wife's brother, should go with him as his lieutenant. He thought it not befitting him that if he was not to be a praetor, to be a servant of the praetor. {Cornelius Nepos, Life of Atticus} Cicero was offended by this. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. Epist. 14.}

4585. P. Clodius was accused of the revolt of Nisibis, of entering into a temple in woman's clothes (which it was not lawful for a man to enter), of defiling the wife of Metellus the high priest and of C. Caesar, and unseemly behaviour with his own sister. He was acquitted by the judges who were bribed with money. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 13.} {Livy, l. 103.} {Plutarch, in Cicero} {Dio, l. 37.}

4586. Cicero wrote to Atticus that he had taken from the consul Piso, Syria that was promised unto him. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 1. epist. 13.} Therefore Marcius Philippus, who had been praetor, was sent as the successor to Scaurus who was left in Syria by Pompey. He had skirmished with the Arabians, who lived near there and invaded Syria. {Appian, in Syriac, p. 119, 120.}

4587. In the ninth year of the priesthood and government of Hyrcanus (that is from the death of his mother Alexandra, before Gavinius took the government from her) in the month Panemus or June, the decree of the Athenians, in the honour of Hyrcanus seemed to have been published as recorded by Josephus. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 16.} Although, Josephus refers that time to a former decree of the Roman senate. It was set out both in the time of the previous Hyrcanus, the son of Simeon, and on the ides of December. (See note on 3877a AM <<3605>>.) However, this decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus, the second son of Alexander was written on the 11th day of Munychion Attic, (about the 28th day of the Julian April), by Euclis, the son of Menander the Almusian. He was the secretary and delivered to the governors on the pemph apisntos of the Macedonian Panemus, or the 27th day, (answering to the 20th day of the Julian June) Agathocle who was the praetor at Athens. This we have shown in the first chapter of the book, "Concerning the Solar Year of the Macedonians and Athenians."

3943b AM, 4653 JP, 61 BC

4588. First, Cicero, eased the cities of Asia of the cost of providing sailors and a fleet {Cicero, Pro Flacco.} and restored many cities that were almost deserted. Two of these were Samos, a most illustrious city of Ionia and Halicarnassus, a city of Caria. {Cicero, Letter to Quintum Fratrem, l. 1 epist. 1.}

4589. Pompey deferred his triumph two days before his birthday which he celebrated on the day (??) before the month of October. (His birthday, happened either in July or June of the Julian account.) M. Messala and M. Piso were consuls when this happened as may be gathered from the "Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records". It may be more fully deduced from the "Records of the Triumphs of Pompey". {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26. & l. 37. c. 2.} He had a most magnificent triumph of so many kings for two whole days. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} {Appian. in Mithridatic.} Even though this triumph lasted for two days, Plutarch says the greatness of it was not fully seen. A great part of the preparation, which would have served to furnish another triumph was not presented.

4590. They who tried to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great would have us believe he was not yet 34 years old when he was really 40 years old if we believe Plutarch's account. Pompey, even from his youth, by the talk of his flatterers, believed that he was like Alexander and he imitated both his actions and counsels. {Sallust, Historiar. l. 3.} {Nonium Marcellum, in voc. Emulus.} However, Velleius very elegantly observed that they were too much concerned about the age of that great man. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 53.}

``who were deceived by five years. Whereas the setting right of these things was easily done from the consulships of C. Attilius and Quintus Servilius.''

4591. Plutarch made the same mistake while he corrects others. He said that Pompey was only 40 years old when indeed he was 45.

4592. Pompey made his first triumph over Africa, the second over Europe and the third over Asia. He made the three parts of the world as monuments of his victory. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} {Plutarch in Pompey} Thereupon this great triumph was called "The Triumph of the whole World". {Dio, l. 37.} By this the whole assembly greeted him by the surname of "Great". {Livy, l. 103.} He was pleased with this surname although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names. {Dio, l. 37.}

4593. The preface of the triumph (as it is described in {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} from his own records) was this:

``When he had freed the sea coast from pirates and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome, he triumphed over Asia, Pontus, Armenia. Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Scythians, Jews, Albanians, Iberia, the Isle of Crete, Bastarna, and above all these, over the kings, Mithridates and Tigranes.''

4594. Plutarch adds:

``Media, Colchis, Mesopotamia and Arabia.''

4595. Appian adds:

``the Heniochi and Achaeans.''

4596. Pompey brought 700 ships that were intact. There was a vast number of wagons that carried the armour and also the ramming prows of the ships. After these came a multitude of captives and pirates who were not bound but clothed in their country clothes. After them came noble men, captains or sons of the kings. Some were captives and others were hostages for a total of 324. These went before Pompey who sat on a lofty chariot. {Appian}

4597. Among these was Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, the king of Armenia, with his wife and daughters and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself. Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates (Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius and Xerxes) and two daughters, Orsabaris and Eupatra were in the procession. There was also Olthaces, the king of the Colchians, Aristobulus, the king of the Jews and the tyrants of the Cilicians. There were women of the royal family of the Scythians, three commanders of the Iberians, two of the Albanians, along with Menander of Laodice, who was general of Mithridates' cavalry. Also there were the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians and of the king of the Commagenians. He had many other trophies in the procession according to the number of battles that either he or his lieutenant had won in various places. {Appian} {Plutarch}

4598. Although Tigranes and Mithridates were not present, pictures of them were carried showing how they fought, gave ground and fled. The attacks of Mithridates were displayed and how he secretly fled away by night. Last of all came pictures showing his death and the virgins who were the companions of his death displayed. Tables were carried with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him and the figures of the barbarian gods in their own country attire. {Appian}

4599. Pompey was carried in a chariot set with precious stones, clothed, as was reported, in the armour of Alexander the Great. After his chariot came the companions of this expedition, the colonels both of the cavalry and foot soldiers. {Appian}

4600. The day before the month of October which was his birthday, Pompey brought a pair of tables with the men of two precious stones. The tables were three foot wide and four long. On them was a thirty pound golden Moon, three parlour tables, nine cupboards of gold plate and precious stones. There were three golden images of Minerva, Mars, and Apollo as well as three crowns set with pearls. There was a square golden mount, covered with stags, lions and fruits of all kinds. These were surrounded by a golden vine. (See note on 3939 AM <<3980>>) There was a bower of pearls on the top of which was a sundial. Pompey's own image of pearl was there. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.} Pompey also wrote that he carried trees in the triumph, namely the elm tree and the balsam tree, which only grew in Judea. {Pliny, l. 12. c. 4. & 25.}

4601. There were also carts and other vessels laden with gold and various other ornaments. Among them was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes and the throne and sceptre of Mithridates Eupator and a golden image of him twelve feet to his breast. {Appian} There was a silver statue of Pharnaces who first reigned in Pontus and gold and silver chariots. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 12.} Also there were 7000 myriads of silver coins and 510 drachmas. {Appian} Moreover it was shown in the records that all the tribute of the people of Rome before this totalled only 5000 myriads but with these that Pompey had gotten for the people of Rome amounted to 8500 myriads. {Plutarch}

4602. There was also carried a table containing a summary of those things which Pompey had done in the east. It was inscribed with this title. "800 ships with prows were taken; eight cities built in Cappadocia, in Cilicia, and Coelosyria, twenty in Palestina Seleucis. Kings conquered: Tigranes the Armenian, Artoces the Iberian, Orozes the Albanian." This was the title, {Appian} and a similar one Pliny mentions {Pliny, l. 7. c. 26.} was placed in the temple of Minerva and dedicated of the spoils.

``Cn. Pompey Magnus, captain general, finished a war of thirty years. He overthrew, routed, killed and had yielded to him, 2,183,000 men, sunk and taken 846 ships, had surrendered to him 1538 towns and citadels. He conquered from the lake of Maetis to the Red Sea and deservedly offers this vow to Minerva.''

4603. He brought into the public treasury in plate and in gold and silver coins, 20,000 talents. {Plutarch} Among the other gifts that were dedicated by him in the capitol, was the cabinet of King Mithridates as Varro and other authors of that time confirm. This first gave the Romans an appetite for pearls and jewels. {Pliny, l. 37. c. 1.} There was also dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates that were found in the new castle {Strabo, l. 12. p. 556, 557.} as well as that golden vine that was brought from Judea. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 5.} There was also six cups of the stone of murra (fluorspar), then first brought to Rome. These were soon commonly used and popular material for plates and dishes. {Pliny. l. 37. c. 2.}

4604. When Pompey came triumphing into the capitol, he put none of the captives to death as those that had triumphed before him used to do. He paid their expenses from the public money and sent everyone home to his own country, except those that were of royal extraction. {Appian} It appears incorrect what Appian adds that Aristobulus was put to death and after him, Tigranes because Aristobulus later returned into his country. Josephus and Dio confirmed this and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flavius, a senator, by the order of Pompey. He was released from his custody by Clodius, the tribune of the people, which Asconius Pedianus confirmed in his commentary on the Milonian Speech.

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4605. After the Gazenses were freed from the rule of the Jews, they began the epoch of their times from this event. {Fasti. Siculi. year 4. Olymp. 179.} The Gazenses began their year about the 27th day of the Julian October, as we gathered from Marcus, a deacon of Gaza, in the life of Porphyry, a bishop of Gaza.

4606. Cicero's brother Marcus was the cause that no one succeeded Quintus Cicero in the praetorship of Asia. Cicero in a letter to him showed this. Among other things that were well done by him in the province, he lists this that the thieveries of the Mysians were stopped and murders in many places suppressed. Peace was settled throughout the whole province. The robberies and thieveries of travellers in the countries and the town and cities was suppressed. {Cicero, Letters to Quint. Fraer., l. 1. epist. 1.}

4607. M. Cicero had sent a commentary written in Greek about his consulship to Rhodes to Posidonius. (He was the Apamean and was a philosopher and an historian. Cicero wanted him to rewrite this in better style.) When he had read what Cicero wrote, he wrote back to him that he was not encouraged to write but that he was clearly afraid. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 1.}

4608. Ptolemy Auletus had a son born to him in his old age. This son succeeded him in his kingdom. Hence he was not older than 13 years when Pompey fled to him after the battle of Pharsalia. {Dio, l. 42.}

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4609. Pompey requested from the senate that they would confirm all the things that he had granted to kings, governors and cities. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432.}

4610. Lucullus had spent his time in luxurious living. The senate asked him to use his authority to deal in matters of state and he presently attacked Pompey's legislation. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He and Metellus Creticus remembered the wrongs Pompey had done to them. They and some of the nobility resisted Pompey that those things that were either promised to cities or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him, should not be distributed according to Pompey's own pleasure. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 40.} Lucullus requested that Pompey should propose to the senate concerning his actions in detail and not demand that they should be all approved in one measure. Otherwise it would be unjust to approve all his acts together before they knew what they were as if they had been done by some god. Since Pompey had disannulled some of Lucullus' acts, he demanded that both of their acts should be proposed in the senate that they might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation. Cato, Metellus Celer who was the consul, and others that were of the same opinion, earnestly defended Lucullus. {Dio, l. 37.} Lucullus bragged also that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him and drew Crasius to his side. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 432, 433.} Thereupon he obtained a confirmation of his decrees which Pompey had disannulled {Plutarch, in Pompey} and overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had defeated the kings. Lucullus and Cato hindered Pompey's request that lands might be divided among his soldiers. {Plutarch, in Lucullus}

4611. Pompey was thwarted in the senate and was compelled to appeal to the tribunes of the people. {Plutarch, in Pompey} He saw that L. Flavius the tribune had demanded that lands be divided among Pompey's soldiers and that all the citizens might give their say that by this means this might be more easily granted. Also he wanted all Pompey's acts confirmed. Metellus the consul so eagerly opposed him that he was carried to prison by the tribune. Notwithstanding, the consul resolutely persisted in his opinion as also did others, so that Pompey was forced at length to yield to his demands. He regretted that he had discharged his soldiers and exposed himself to the wrongs of his enemies. {Dio, l. 37.}

4612. Meanwhile, C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the consulship. Pompey allied himself with him and promised that he would do his best to help Caesar become a consul. By this Pompey hoped that finally his acts which he had done in the provinces beyond the seas and were opposed by so many, would be confirmed by Caesar when he was consul. Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the consulship that they had held together. Caesar reconciled them and entered into an alliance with both of them. Based on this contract, nothing would be done in the state which displeased any of the three. This conspiracy was destructive to the city and all the world and finally to themselves also. {Livy, l. 103.} {Velleius Paterculus l. 2. c. 44.} {Suetonius, in Julius Caesar, c. 19.} {Plutarch, in Lucullus, Crassus, Pompey, Caesar} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2.} {Dio, l. 37.}

4613. Barro who was the best writer of this time, wrote in one book about this conspiracy of the three principal men of the city. He called it tricaranon or three headed. {Appian, p. 433.} Asinius Pollio also began to write his history of the civil war from the same book which was made in the consulship of Metellus Celer. {Horace, l. 2. carm. ode. 1.} His interpreters, Acron and Porphyrie confirm this, for neither (as many thought) the dissention of Caesar and Pompey brought in the civil wars. Their agreement rather of conspiring together to root out the nobility first and then they fell at odds among themselves. {Plutarch, in Caesar}

4614. In this very year, the 180th Olympiad was solemnized and Herodes, (a different person besides that Herod of Athens of whom Pausanias and Gellius mention as the most famous man of his time) was archon in Athens. Diodorus Siculus began the history of Caesar's affairs. In that year he showed that he travelled over Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy who was called "New Bacchus". {Bibliothec. historiar, l. 1. part. 1 & 2.}

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4615. There was a third year added to the praetorship of Quintus Cicero in Asia. Suetonius stated that he governed the proconsulate of Asia with little distinction. {Suetonius, in Octavian Augustus, c. 3.} In this year, there was written an excellent letter by Marcus Cicero concerning the good government of a province. This was placed first among those that were written to his brother Quintus.

4616. The senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus, one that had been praetor, to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria. {Appian, in Syriacis} Each of them spent two years in fighting with the Arabians who bordered Syria and invaded their country.

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4617. Julius Caesar, the consul, confirmed all Pompey's acts as he had promised him without slandering Lucullus or anyone else. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 435.} {Dio, l. 38.}

4618. Pompey also obtained from the senate that they should not confirm those honours that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus. He said it was unjust that the distribution of rewards and honours should be given to one who did not finish the war. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.} After he filled the city with arms and soldiers, he expelled Cato and Lucullus from the forum and confirmed his acts by violence and force. {Plutarch, in Pompey, Lucullus}

4619. Suetonius wrote that Caesar, in his first consulship, planned to sell societies and kingdoms. {Suetonius, c. 54.} He took from Ptolemy alone, 6,000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey. Dio related {Dio, l. 39.} that Ptolemy (Auletes) spent vast sums of money on certain Romans both of his own and what he borrowed. He hoped that through them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed to him and that he might be called their friend and ally. Plutarch {Plutarch, in Caesar} related that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 myriads. A thousand of this, Caesar extracted when he came into Egypt after Pompey was killed. He forgave the rest of the debt to Auletes' children.

4620. In this year when Caesar was first consul, he in the third commentary of the civil war, showed that Auletes, by a law and a decree of the senate, was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome. Caesar obtained this honour from the senate before the proscription of Ptolemy's brother Ptolemy Cyprior, (which was in the next year.) Cicero confirmed in the Sectian speech. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 16.}

4621. C. Antony was condemned and Cicero in vain (who was his collogue in the consulship) defended him. {Dio. l. 38.} He lived as a banished man in Cephalenia and had all the island under his command as his own possession. He began to build a city but did not finish it. {Strabo, l. 10. p. 455.}

4622. It is decreed that P. Clodius should go as an ambassador to Tigranes, the king of Armenia. When he objected, he who was a patrician, was made a plebian by adoption so that by that means he was chosen as a tribune of the people. {Cicero, Letters to Atticus, l. 2. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua} {Dio, l. 38.}

4623. Bruhagoras was a man of great authority among the Heraclenseus of Pontus. He and his son Propylus went to Julius Caesar and became his friend. They followed him up and down through all lands for 12 years together so that Caesar might do good to his fellow citizens. {Memnon, c. 26.}

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4624. P. Clodius was made tribune of the people. So that he might draw the new consuls to his side, he decreed to them large provinces. To Gabinius, he gave Syria, with Babylon and Persia. To Piso, he gave Achaia, Thessalia, Greece, Macedonia and all Boeotia. {Cicero, pro Sextrus, pro domo sua, de provincis consularibus} {Plutarch, in Cicero}

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4625. When Q. Cicero had governed Asia three years, he left the province. {Cicero, l. 2. Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 15. & Letters to Atticus, l. 6. epist. 6.} Marcus Cicero was then in exile in Thessalonica and wrote to Atticus concerning his brother's journey. {Cicero, l. 3. ep. 9.}

``My brother Quintus had departed from Asia, before the month of May, (about the end of the Julian February) and was come to Athens on the Ides. He was forced to hurry lest there might happen some more calamity in his absence if perchance anyone should not be content with the ills we suffer already. Therefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome, than come to me.''

4626. By a tribunal law of P. Clodius, the priest of Cybile in Pessinus, a city of Phrygia was removed from his priesthood. Brogitarus was a Galatian. (He is thought to be that Bobodiatorus, to whom as Strabo writes, Pompey gave Mithridatium after he took it away from Pontus. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}) He was a wicked man and desired the priesthood not for the reverence to the temple but for violence. He bought the office of priesthood with a great sum of money though his ambassadors to Clodius. The priests of Pessinus in ancient times had been petty kings. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}, By the same tribunal law, Dejotarus was often thought worthy of that name by the senate as well as his son-in-law Brogitarus who had never asked it from the senate. He had only agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond and was ordained to be called king. However, Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the senate that he should be a king without giving any money to Clodius. He preserved Pessinus in their ancient religion and had rather that his son-in-law enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius than that the temple should lack her ancient religion. {Cicero, de Aruspicum respons. & pro Sextio.}

4627. Clodius wanted to get his revenge on Ptolemy the king of Cyprus, who was the brother of Auletes, the king of Alexandria. (If we believe Velleius Paterculus, he was most like him in all his vicious manner of life.) Ptolemy had previously neglected him when he was captured by pirates. Even though Clodius lived quietly and enjoyed his ease and without showing any reason or mentioning any wrong Ptolemy had done, he favoured a law for reducing his kingdom into the form of a province. All Ptolemy's goods and money would be confiscated. The law would send M. Cato from the commonwealth under an honourable title to carry out the law. Although Cato was for the law also, he went unwillingly to Cyprus to command there with praetorian power and had a quaester with him also. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & prodomo sua} {Livy, l. 104.} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Strabo, l. 24. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 541.} {Dio. l. 38.} Cicero in his speech for Publius Sextius, speaks thus of Ptolemy:

``That miserable Cypriot, who was always an ally, was always a friend, concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him, either to the senate or to our generals, (as they say) lives to see himself, his very food and cloths confiscated. Behold, why should other kings think their fortune stable, since by this wicked example of that lamentable year, they may see themselves by one tribune and six hundred artificers stripped of all their fortunes and all their kingdom.''

4628. Thereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} was not ashamed to say that the people of Rome invaded that island from covetousness (from lack of money in their treasury) than justice. Sextus Rufus in his breviary said that the poverty of the people of Rome and the shortage of money in the treasury provoked them to seize that island that was so famous for its riches. They got the command of it more covetously than justly.

4629. Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, a king and an enemy, was still kept prisoner by Pompey's command at L. Flavius' house, who was the praetor. Clodius, the tribune of the people, was bribed to ask Flavius that he would give Tigranes permission to dine with them that he might see him. When Tigranes came, he feasted him and took him from prison and let him go free. (??) Clodius would not turn him over when Pompey demanded him. When Tigranes had escaped by ship, he was driven back by a storm. Clodius, the tribune, sent Sextius Clodius to bring Tigranes to him. As soon as Flavius heard of it, he went to apprehend Tigranes. Within four miles of the city, there was a skirmish and many were killed on both sides, however Flavius' party fared the worse. Papirius was killed. He was a Roman equestrian, a publican and very close friend of Pompey. Flavius barely escaped to Rome by himself. Clodius, the tribune, contemtuously treated Pompey and Gabinius who did not approve of this. Clodius beat and wounded their companion and broke the fasces of Gabinius, the consul. He confiscated his goods. {Cicero, pro domo sua Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Milonianam} {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 38.}

4630. Piso and Gabinius, who were the consuls, expelled Syrapis, Isis, Harpocrates and Cynocephalus. They were forbidden to come to the capitol. The consuls overthrew their altars and curtailed the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions. {Tertullian, in Apologetico}

4631. Ptolemy Auletes was told by the Egyptians to request from the Romans the island of Cyprus or to renounce their alliance. He did not agree to do this. He had incurred their hatred both for this reason and for the high taxes he imposed on the Egyptians to pay his debt that he had incurred by purchasing of the Roman alliance. Therefore, when he neither could persuade them to be quiet, nor could compel them by force, (for he had no mercenaries) he fled from Egypt and sailed to Rome. {Livy, l. 104.} {Dio. l. 39.} He wanted Caesar and Pompey to use their army to restore him again. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, Timagenes (who under Augustus' reign, wrote some histories) from whom Seneca, {Seneca, l. 3. de Ira. c. 23.} affirmed that Ptolemy left the kingdom without any good reason or that he was compelled by any necessity. Theophanes convinced him to leave Egypt because he would give Pompey an opportunity to get money and of starting new wars. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4632. When Cato sailed to Cyprus, Clodius the tribune would not give him any ships, soldiers or servants to go with him. He only had two secretaries. One was a notorious thief and the other a client of Clodius. If the business of Cyprus had been but a small matter, Clodius ordered him to restore the exiles of Byzantium to keep Cato away from Rome as long as he possibly could. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4633. Cato through his friend Canidius whom he sent before him to Cyprus, talked with Ptolemy and tried to persuade him to yield without fighting. He gave Ptolemy the hope that he would neither live poorly nor in contempt and that the people would give him the priesthood of Paphian Venus. Meanwhile, Cato stayed at Rhodes to make preparations and to wait for an answer. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} When Ptolemy knew what was decreed against him, he dared not fight against the Romans. Neither did he think he could live, if he were expelled from his kingdom. Therefore he put all his treasure into ships and sailed. He hoped to sink his ships and died as he wished with his treasure so his enemies would not get their hands on it. He could not endure to sink his gold and silver and so he returned home again and killed himself by drinking poison. Although he held the title of king, he was a slave to his money. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} {Florus, l. 3. c. 9.} {Strabo, l. 14. p. 684.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} {Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 14.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2 p. 441.} {Dio, l. 39} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario}

4634. Ptolemy Auletes sailed for Rome. When he had arrived at Rhodes, he wanted to meet Cato and sent for him and hoped that Cato would come to him. Cato replied to Ptolemy that if Ptolemy wanted to see him Ptolemy would have to come to him. After Ptolemy came, Cato neither went to meet him nor rose from his seat but greeted him as he would one of the common people and asked him to sit down. At first it amazed Ptolemy and he wondered to see such superciliousness and severity in one that had so simple and lowly a train. When they began to talk of his business, Cato accused him of folly for leaving his own country, he had subjected himself to such dishonour and such great pains only to satisfy the covetousness of the chief men of Rome. This he could never do even if all the kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver. Therefore, he counselled him to return with his navy and to reconcile himself to his subjects. Cato offered to go along with him and to help him to be reconciled. The king was brought to his senses by this speech and when he perceived the truth and Cato's wisdom, he intended to follow his advice. However, his friends turned him from this good advice. As soon as Ptolemy came to Rome and was forced to wait at the magistrates gates, he began to lament his inconsiderate enterprise and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} However, his coming caused so much trouble to the Romans later, that Crassus {Cicero, pro Caelius} used that speech of the tragedian, "Vtinam ne in monte Pelio." That is:

``If only not in Mount Peliom''

4635. The Alexandrians did not know of Ptolemy's journey to Italy and thought that he was dead. They set his legitimate daughter, Bereice, over the kingdom along with her older sister Tryphaena (who was older than Cleopatra). {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.} {Porphyrius, in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 226.} They sent Menelaus Lampon and Callimachus to Antiochus Pius, (or Asiaticus rather his son, whom Pompey had dispossessed of his kingdom) to ask him to reign together with the women. However, he was sick and died. {Porphyrus, in Grac. Eusebian. Scaligeri., p. 227.}

4636. Both the consuls went into the provinces as soldiers, Piso into Macedonia and Gabinius into Syria. The people followed them with their curses. {Cicero, pro Sextio. & in L. Piso} When Gabinius was about to set sail in Syria, he invited Antony (who was later in the triumvirate) to go along with him to the wars. He refused to do this as a private soldier, but when he was put in command of the cavalry then he went with him to the wars. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4637. T. Ampius, through the help of P. Clodius the tribune, obtained the province of Cilicia, which was contrary to the custom. {Cicero, pro domo sua.} {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 3.}

4638. Cicero mentions this about Gabinius' journey to Syria and his first arrival. In his speech of consular provinces he said:

``His journey into the province was like this. King Ariobarzanes hired your consul to commit murders as if he had been a Thracian. When he first came into Syria, he lost many of his cavalry and later the best of his foot soldiers.''

4639. Cicero also mentions the loss of Gabinius' cavalry and foot soldiers in his speech for Sextus. {Cicero, pro Sextius}

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4640. Although it was said that the king of Cyprus left a vast sum of money behind him, yet Cato determined to go first to Byzantium. M. Brutus, his sister's son, (the murderer of Julius Caesar later) was in Pamphylia, where he then lived to recover his health. Cato wrote to him that he should immediately come to him from there to Cyprus because he suspected that Canidius was meddling with money and would appropriate some for himself. Brutus undertook this journey much against his will. He thought Cato had slandered Canidius and that this job was too menial and unsuited for him. Brutus was a young studious man. However, he behaved himself so well that Cato commended him. {Plutarch, in Cato & Brutus}

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4641. Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who on the way to Rome had escaped from Pompey, bothered Judea with his raids. At that time, Hyrcanus was not able to resist him, since he was determined to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem which Pompey had thrown down. The Romans who were there, hindered the work. Alexander travelled through the country and armed many Jews. In a short time he had 10,000 foot soldiers and 1500 cavalry. He strongly fortified Alexandrion, a citadel located near Corea, Hyrcanium and Michaeron, not far from the mountains of Arabia. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4642. A. Gabinius, the governor of Syria undertook an expedition against Alexander. He sent M. Antony ahead with some commanders. These joined with some Jews who were under their command whose captains were Pitholaus and Matichus. They also took some auxiliaries from Antipater. These met with Alexander and Gabinius followed with the rest of the army. Alexander drew near Jerusalem where the battle was fought. The Romans killed 3000 of the enemy and took as many prisoners. When Gabinius came to the citadel of Alexandrium, he offered the besieged men conditions of peace and promised them pardon for all that was past. Since many of the enemy had camped outside the fort, the Romans attacked them. M. Antony behaved very valiantly and killed many of his enemies. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.} Antony was courteously entertained by Antipater. When Antony was in the triumvirate and came into Syria 16 years later he showed toward Antipater's sons, Phasaelus and Herod, that he remembered this courtesy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 10., Antiq., l. 14. c. 23.}

4643. Gabinius left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion and went to visit the rest of Judea. He ordered that what cities he found destroyed, should be rebuilt. By this means, Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnias, Raphia, Dora, Marissa, Gaza and many others were rebuilt. They were later peacefully inhabited, when before they had been deserted for so long.

4644. When he thus ordered these things in the country, Gabinius returned to Alexandrion. When the Romans intended to attack it, Alexander requested pardon through his ambassadors. He offered Gabinius the citadels of Hyrcanion and Machaeron and at last Alexandrion. Gabinius, by the advice of the mother of Alexander, levelled these with the ground lest they should be a reason for new wars. The woman was solicitous for her husband and children, who were carried captive to Rome and favoured the Romans. She used all her charms toward Gabinius and obtained from him whatever she desired. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4645. After Gabinius had settled his affairs, he took Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and committed the care of the temple and priesthood to him. He made others of the nobility, rulers of the Jewish state. He appointed five seats for courts and divided the whole province into so many equal parts. Some went to court at Jerusalem, some at Gadara, (otherwise Dora) some at Amathus, some at Jericho and some at Sephora. Thus the Jews were freed from the single command of one alone and they were willingly governed by an aristocracy. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1 c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4646. Philippus Euergeres, the son of Gryphus and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy, the eighth king of the Egyptians, (who 35 years before was king of Syria) was sent for by the Alexandrians to take over the kingdom of Egypt. He was hindered from doing this by Gabinius, the governor of Syria. {Porphyr. in Gracis, Eusebian. Scaligeri p. 227.}

4647. At Rome, Pompey took up Ptolemy Auletes' cause and commended it to the senate and asked for his restoration. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} However, Ptolemy requested that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the consul, to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge. {Dio. l. 39.} Spinther also favoured Ptolemy's restoration to his kingdom by himself. A decree of the senate was made to that end. (Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison. & pro Rabirio Posthumo.}

4648. It was said that this advice was given by the same consul that a greater authority of providing grain through all the Roman Empire, by sea and land, might be given to Pompey. He hoped that Pompey would be occupied in this greater charge and the consul himself might be sent to help Ptolemy. {Plutarch, in Pompey}

4649. The Alexandrians sent an hundred men to Rome that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemy and also might accuse him of the wrongs he had done to them. The leader of the embassy was Dio, an academic. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4650. Ptolemy sent out certain men into all parts and laid ambushes for the ambassadors. Most were killed on their journey and some of them he killed in the very city. He bullied or bribed the rest into submission. He so arranged matters that they did not so much as dare to bring before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent or once make any mention of them who were killed. {Dio, l. 39.} Cicero mentions the murdering of the Alexandrian ambassadors against all law and honesty. {Cicero, in the speech, de Aruspicum respons.} He also mentions the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoh. {Cicero, pro Coeli.}

4651. This business was so commonly known, that the senate was very angry, especially Marcus Favonius who stirred them up. Many ambassadors of their allies who were sent to Rome, were violently killed. (Cicero, {Cicero, in orat. de Auruspicum responsiis}, mentions one in particular, Theodosius who was sent as an ambassador from a free city and was stabbed by the means of P. Clodius and Hermachus, a Chian.) At that time, many Romans were corrupted by bribes. Therefore, the senate called Dio, the leader of the embassy to them so that he could testify to them concerning the truth of the matter. However, Ptolemy's money had so much prevailed that neither Dio came into the senate neither was any mention made of those who were killed, all the while that Dio was at Rome. {Dio, l. 39.}

4652. Finally, Dio was murdered. He was a very learned man who lodged with Lucceius. (He was also a most learned man, of whom Cicero requested {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 12.} he would write the history of his consulship.) Dio knew Lucceius from Alexandria. P. Ascitius was not found guilty of this murder nor was Ptolemy punished. Ascitius was acquitted in his trial. Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house and helped him all he could. Although many had taken bribes and were later accused before the judges, very few were condemned since there were so many that were guilty of the same fault. Everyone for fear for himself, helped the other. Hence men committed those wicked deeds for the love of money. {Cicero. in Orat. pro Coelio} {Dio, l. 39.}

4653. After M. Cato had reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens and established a firm concord in Byzantium, he sailed into Cyprus. The Cypriots willingly received him and hoped that in the place of servants as they had been, they should now become friends and allies with the people of Rome. Cato found there a large and royal preparation in plates, tables, jewels, and purple. All of this was to be sold for money. Hence he gathered a little less than 7000 talents of silver. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, Brutus} {Strabo, l. 14. fin} {Dio, l. 39.}

4654. Cato was very careful in searching out all things and to set the highest price and account for every last penny. He did not trust the ways of the forum but suspected all apparitors, criers, appraisers and friends. He also talked with them privately that set the price and forced many to buy and sold many things by this means. By this he offended many of his friends by distrusting them and especially his most intimate friend, Munatius whom he provoked almost to an implacable offence. This gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing Cato in the book that Munatius wrote called Anticaron. This Munatius (who was called Rufus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 3}) wrote a commentary about Cato and his journey to Cyprus. (Thrasias mainly followed Munatius.) In the book, Munatius did not write that this difference grew between them from any distrust of Cato's. However, when he came later to Cyprus, Cato did not entertain him and preferred before him Canidius who was already there and had proved his fidelity to Cato. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

 4655. In the last month of his consulship (then happening on the Julian September) when the new tribunes of the people entered their office, P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his journey to his province of Cilicia. Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome as the passage from {Annal. of Fenestella, l. 22.} as quoted by Nonius Marcellus shows.

``As soon as the tribunes entered their office, C. Cato who was troublesome and a bold young man and one that could speak reasonably well, began to stir up the people with his speeches against Ptolemy who was now departed from the city and against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was now preparing for his journey.''

4656. However, Ptolemy's cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself seems to show in his speech for Coelius and Fortunatianus more clearly confirmed by quoting by name that very speech of his for King Ptolemy.

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4657. In the beginning of the consulship of L. Marcius Philippus, and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was struck with lighting. This halted the restitution of Ptolemy for when the Sibyls' books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold that a king of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in {Cicero, in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo}) should come to Rome. Concerning this suspicion of him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her sentence:

``If a king of Egypt needs your help and shall come here, you shall not deny him friendship but you shall not help him with any forces. If you shall do otherwise, you will make labours and dangers.''

4658. The oracle was told to the people by C. Cato the tribune of the people. It was not lawful to tell any prophesies of the Sibyls to the people unless the senate had so decreed it. It seemed to be the less lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Therefore Cato feared that the sentence of the oracle would be suppressed and he compelled the priests to translate it into Latin and to declare it to the people before the senate had decreed anything about it. {Dio, l. 39.} Notwithstanding, this was the opinion of the people of Rome that this name of a pretended omen was brought in by those against Lentulus Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia.) This was so much to hinder him as that no one planned to go to Alexandria but for the desire of an army, which among the rest, Pompey was most desirous. (??) {Cicero., Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 4.}

4659. Ammonius Ptolemais, the ambassador, publicly opposed the subduing of the king by Spinther and used money to help convince others. The few that were for the king wanted the matter committed to Pompey. The senate approved the forgery of the religious oracle, not for religious reasons but for ill will and for hatred of the king's large bribes. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist 2, l. 2. epist. 2.} {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthic. p. 134.}

4660. Pompey understood from the oracle that he demanded that Pompey might come to aid him instead of Spinther. There were little notes found that were thrown about in the forum and the senate house that indicated the same. Thereupon the king's letter concerning this business was read publicly by Aulus Plautius, the tribune of the people. His colleague, Caninius, (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Canidius) proposed a law that Pompey without an army and only accompanied with two lictors would bring the king into favour again with the Alexandrians. Although the law did not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the senators partly under the pretence of the grain law that was already committed to him and of false concern about the safety of Pompey's person (as they pretended to be afraid for him.) {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 39.}

4661. The senate had various opinions about this business. Bibulus thought that Ptolemy should be established in his kingdom without an army by three ambassadors who were only private citizens. Crassus thought that the three ambassadors should either be private citizens or ones holding office. When Lupus purposed this law, Volcatius, the tribune of the people thought Pompey should go. Afranius, Libo, Hypsaeus, and all the close friends of Pompey agreed. Hortensius, Cicero and Lucullus thought that it ought to be done by Lentulus Spinther. However, Servilius denied that the king ought to be established at all. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. & 2.}

4662. In the month of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato published a law to deprive Lentulus of his command. This gave his son a reason to change his garment as mentioned by Cicero. {Cicero, ad Quintum fratrem, l. 5. epist. 5.} This must mean the law of establishing Ptolemy in his kingdom again according to the decree of the senate granted to him in his consulship. It is obvious from the letters of Cicero written to him {Cicero, l. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow} that he retained after the passing of this law, the proconsulship of Cilicia with the addition also of Cyprus. (Cato had left from Cyprus already.) Cyprus was now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans. {Strabo, l. 14. fin)

4663. When Ptolemy saw that he would not be established in his kingdom again by neither Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, he now despaired of his return. He went to Ephesus and stayed there in the temple of Diana. {Dio, l. 39.}

4664. Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus, escaped from Rome and returned to Jerusalem. A large number of Jews came to him again. They wanted a change and he still commanded their affections. He planned to rebuild the citadel of Alexandrion that was torn down. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

4665. Gabinius, the governor of Syria, sent soldiers under their captains, Sisinna (his son) Antony and Servilius to prevent Aristobulus from seizing Alexandrion and to capture him if they could. For many other Jews had resorted to him for the reputation that he had. Also Pitholaus, the governor of Jerusalem, had left the Roman party and came to him with 1000 well armed men. Since many of them that came to him were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unsuitable for war. He took only 8000 armed men, (among whom those that Pitholaus brought) and marched to Macherus. The Romans pursued them and fought with them. Aristobulus' side valiantly held out for a good while but after they had lost 5000 men, they were forced to flee. Nearly 2000 fled to a certain mountain. From there, they got away and provided for their own safety as well as they could. Another 1000 with Aristobulus broke through the ranks of the Romans and fled to Mathaetus and began to fortify the citadel. They were not able to hold out in the siege for more than two days. After many had been wounded, Aristobulus was taken prisoner along with his son Antigonus and brought to Gabinius. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

4666. Plutarch gives more details of this event and ascribes the whole victory to the honour of Antony.

``When Antony was sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel, he was the first man that climbed the wall of a most strong citadel of Aristobulus. Antony drove him from all his strongholds. Then he fought with a few men of his and overthrew a great army and put them all to the sword, except a few. Also Aristobulus with his son, was taken prisoner.''

4667. Dio, {Dio, l. 39.} incorrectly wrote that Gabinius went into Palestine and captured Aristobulus (who was fled from Rome and made a rebellion.) He sent him to Pompey and imposed a tax on the Jews. He went from there into Egypt to establish Ptolemy again in his kingdom.

4668. Tyrannio who was teaching in Cicero's house, orderly arranged his library with the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, who were two book binders that were sent him by Atticus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 2. epist. 4. & ad Atticum. l. 4. epist 4. & 8.} This was Tyrannio Amisenus, who (fourteen years earlier) was taken by Lucullus and who became rich and famous in Rome and accumulated about 30,000 books. {Suidas, in Voc. Tyrannio} Tyrannio had the books of Aristotle copied from the library of Sulla. It is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the copies and that he published the copies that we now have. {Suidas, l. 13. p. 608.} {Plutarch, in Sulla}

4669. Valerius produced witnesses of the help of M. Cato in the administration of the business of Cyprus. {Valerius, l. 4. c. 3.}

``...Epirus, Achaia, the islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the province of Cyprus. When he undertook the charge of bringing away the money, he took no bribes and handled the matter fairly. For although he had the king's riches in his own power and the required places of lodging on his trip were most delightful cities, he behaved most discretely. Munatius Kusus, his faithful companion in that journey indicated as much in his writings.''

4670. Cato feared a tedious journey and prepared various coffers, each of which held two talents and 500 drachmas. He tied each of these to a long rope and fastened at the end a large piece of cork. If the ship was sunk, the cork would indicate the place. Thus was all the money, except for a very little, brought very safely. Cato had made two books, in which he had recorded the accounts of all things that he had gotten. Philargyros, a free man of Cato, carried one of these books. He sailed from Cencrea and was drowned with all his belongings. Cato took the other himself until he came to Corcyra. He stayed in the market place in his tent. The soldiers made many fires because of the cold and accidently set the tents on fire. So Cato lost that book also. Although the king's stewards might easily silence his enemies and detractors, it bothered Cato because he had not kept these accounts to vindicate his fidelity but that he might give an example to others of diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

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4671. Cato, with great diligence, travelled up the Tiber River in light boats that carried the riches of Cyprus as if they had been spoils taken from an enemy and carried in a fleet. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 1.} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} This brought more money to the treasury of the people of Rome than any triumph. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.}

4672. When the news of Cato's arrival was known, all the magistrates and priests along with the consuls, (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus, the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole senate and many of the people went to the river side to meet him. His arrival differed very little from the show and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his insolence was observed in this. He did not come ashore to the consuls and praetors that came to meet him, nor altered his course but sailed by the shore in one of the king's galleys with six tiers of oars. He did not come ashore until he came with his fleet to the place where the money was to be landed. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} Plutarch {Plutarch, Cato the Younger} stated that when he landed, the consuls and the rest of the magistrates were ready to receive him all courtesies. They were more happy to see Cato safely home again than they were to see the vast sum of gold and silver the fleet had brought. {Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c. ult.}

4673. As the money was carried through the market place, the people wondered at the treasure which was far greater than they had hoped for. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Cato could not be accused by anyone because he gathered together many slaves and much money out of the king's riches and had honestly turned over everything. Cato received no less honour than if he had returned a conqueror from the wars. For many men had allowed themselves to be corrupted with bribes but he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money than to conquer an enemy. {Dio, l. 39.}

4674. Pliny stated that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian expedition, a philosopher. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} Cato had the senate grant Nicias, the king's steward, his freedom. Cato testified to his fidelity and diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Clodius intended that those slaves who were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian because he had sent Cato there. Cato opposed this and Clodius was thwarted. Therefore they were called Cyprian for Cato would not allow them to be called Porcian, although some were of that opinion. {Dio, l. 39.}

4675. Clodius was angry with Cato because he had opposed him and calumniated the service that he had done and demanded an account of his deeds. He did not think he could accuse Cato of any unjust act but because he thought it would make something for him that almost all the records were lost in the shipwreck. Caesar helped Clodius in this business although he was absent and (as some report) sent accusations against Cato to Clodius by letters. {Dio, l. 39} However, Cato told them that he had brought as much money from Cyprus although he had not received so much as one horse or soldier as Pompey had brought from so many wars and triumphs when all the world was in turmoil. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}

4676. Cato opposed Cicero who insisted that none of those things that Clodius had done in his tribuneship should be confirmed in the senate. He did not do this as a favour for Clodius but because that among other acts that should be revoked was his commission for Cyprus because the tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger, in Cicero}

4677. Phraates the second was wickedly put to death by his sons and Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians. His brother Mithridates was expelled from Media where he governed according to Dio. {Dio. l. 39.} The sons contended for the kingdom and it seems Orodes was first banished and after him Mithridates also. However, Surenas a rich man and one among the Parthians next the king in blood and authority, brought Orodes back again from banishment. It was his prerogative by birth that he should always crown the new king of the Parthians. He subdued Seleucia the great to the king's power. Surenas was the first man that scaled the walls and defeated with his own hands those that defended it. Although he was not as yet thirty years old, he was held in esteem for his advice in council and his wisdom, for they report these things of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Appian, in Parthicis, p. 140, 141.} However Appian, both in {Appian, Parthicis, p. 134, Syriacis, p. 120.} states that at another time that Mithridates was driven from his kingdom by his brother Orodes. Although Justin noted {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian nobility and that his brother Orodes seized the kingdom when the throne was vacant. Although Justin very incorrectly there makes this Mithridates the same with Mithridates the king of the Parthians to whom his famous acts gave him the surname of "Great". Between this Mithridates the Great and he who was the brother of Orodes, there was a various succession of many kings among the Parthians. This appears from the very prologue of the 42nd book of Trogus Pompey, an epitome of which Justin has given us.

4678. Mithridates was driven from his kingdom either by the Parthian nobility or his brother Orodes, and came to Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria when he was preparing for an expedition against the Arabians. He reasoned so with Gabinus that he should let the Arabians alone and go against the Parthians and help to restore him to his kingdom. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthicis, p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4679. On the ides of May (which happened in the Julian February) the letters of Gabinius were read in full to senate concerning the war that he had with the greatest countries and tyrants of Syria, (under whose name, the princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis, Batanea, and Abilene, are usually called) but they were not believed. The senate denied him the triumph he wanted at Rome. {Cicero, ad Quintum, l. 1. fratr. epist. 7, Orat. de provincis consularibus, in L. Pisonem}

4680. When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the king and his sons to Rome, the senate kept him prisoner but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea because they understood by Gabinius' letters that he had promised his mother this for the delivery of the citadels. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} Josephus further added that Aristobulus held the kingdom and priesthood for three years and six months. The Arabian collector of the Jewish History, (set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages in c. 40.) understood it of the time of the former government until he was taken prisoner for the first time. However it seems rather to be understood of that former and this later time both taken together so that he reigned three years and three months before the former captivity, {Josephus, Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.} and before his second captivity, three months also.

4681. M. Cicero, in the speech before the senate, "de Provinciis Consularibus", advised that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose consulship he was banished) might be recalled and their provinces of Macedonia and Syria would be assigned to the future consuls. He objected to these things among others against Gabinius.

``When he was governor in Syria nothing was done but some work for money with the tyrants, confiscations, plundering, thieveries and murders. As the general of the people of Rome, when his army was in battle array, he stretched out his right hand and exhorted not his soldiers to gain honour but cried that all things were by him already bought or to be bought. Now he has delivered the wretched publicans into slavery, to Jews and Syrians, countries that were themselves born to slavery. He has continued in this that he will not do justice to a publican but he had revoked all agreements made between them without any wrong done by them. He had taken away all watches, he had freed those who paid tribute and many pensioners. In whatever town he was in or wherever he went, he forbid any publican or publican's servant to be there.''

4682. Gabinius had afflicted Syria with many wrongs and had done more wrong to the province than the thieves who were very strong at that time. However, he accounted all this gain that he had gotten but very little and therefore planned an expedition against the Parthians and made preparation for that journey. {Dio, l. 39.}

4683. Pompey made Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, the high priest of the Comani in Pontus. (See note on 3940 AM << >>) He was living there with Gabinius and he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars that he was preparing for but the senate would not allow it. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.}

4684. Gabinius led his army against the Parthians and crossed the Euphrates River. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey and promised that he would give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be paid now and part when he was restored to his kingdom. It was 10,000 talents that Ptolemy promised Gabinius as confirmed by Plutarch and Cicero. {Cicero, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumous} Cicero reckoned the sum to be 2,160,000 sestertiums. Most of the commanders were against it and Gabinius was hesitant to do it also although he would have liked to have lightened Ptolemy of those 10,000 talents. However, Antony, who was covetous of doing great matters and desirous to gratify Ptolemy's request, was very ready to go and persuaded Gabinius to undertake this war. The law forbid any provincial governor to go beyond the bounds of their own government nor undertake any war on their own initiative. Based on the oracle of Sibyll's verses, the people of Rome had forbidden the restoration of Ptolemy at all. The more he knew it was wrong the more he viewed the potential gains in wealth. Hence, he abandoned the Parthian expedition and he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriacis. p, 120. & Parthicis. p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4685. At that time, Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held the kingdom of Egypt. She had sent for Seleucus from Syria, who as he said himself, was of the stock of the Syrian kings. She married him and made him a partner in the rule of the kingdom and of the war. He was a most repulsive man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. c. 19.) and was surnamed in contempt, Ptolemy Cocces and Cybiosactes, "Changeling". He broke open the golden coffin that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in but did not profit by that thievery. When the queen saw that he was so base a man, she strangled him within a few days since she could no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. She looked for another husband of royal extraction. Some friends brought Archelaus, the high priest of the Comani, who was then in Syria. He pretended that he was the son of Mithridates (under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sulla and the Romans.) She married him and deemed him fit to rule the kingdom under the same conditions that Seleucus did. He ruled the kingdom together with her for six months. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 794, 796. & l. 12. p. 558.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4686. C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius, obtained the province of Asia through P. Clodius' office as praetor (which Dio, {Dio, l. 39.} says he held this year.) {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist. 14} C. Scribonius Curio was his quaester in that province. Cicero sent many letters to him which are still extant. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2.}

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4687. By a law made by C. Trebonius, the tribune of the people, provinces were assigned to the new consuls. Cn. Pompey was given Spain and Africa and M. Licinius Crassus was assigned Syria with the adjacent countries. Power was given to both of them to take as many soldiers from Italy and from their allies as they wanted and to make peace or war with whom they wished. {Livy, l. 105.} {Plutarch, in Crassus, Pompey, Cato the Younger} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 437. 438.} {Dio, l. 39.}

4688. As soon as Crassus had by lot obtained his province, he could not conceal his joy and supposed that nothing better could ever have happened to him. He would talk among his close friends so vainly and childishly so that it was not becoming his age and wisdom. He planned the conquest of Syria and Parthia and had vain hopes of even conquering the Bactrians, Indians and the eastern ocean. However, in the decree made by the people concerning his government, no mention was made of the Parthians yet all men knew that Crassus longed for that conquest. When Caesar wrote to him from Gaul, he commended his resolution and advised him to go on. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4689. A. Gabinius left his son, Sisenna, who was very young, with very few soldiers. This exposed the province which he governed, to the actions of thieves. He went through Palestine to Egypt {Dio, l. 39.} against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their king. {Livy, l. 105.} In this expedition he used his friends Hyrcanus and Antipater for all the things that were necessary for the war. Antipater helped him with money, arms, men and grain. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4690. They came to cross through deep, dry, sandy places about the fens and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the breath of Tyrphon. M. Antony was sent ahead with the cavalry (whom Gabinius had made commander of the cavalry even though he was very young.) {Appian, Civil War, l. 5. p. 676.} Antony took the pass and also the very large city of Pelusium. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Jews who inhabited Pelusium and were the guards of the pass into Egypt, were drawn to his side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}

4691. After the garrison of Pelusium was conquered, Antony made the way safe for the army and settled in a fair way the victory for the general. As soon as Ptolemy had gone into Pelusium, he was so inflamed with anger and hatred that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antony interceded and would not allow him to. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4692. When Gabinius had marshalled his army into two battalions, he marched from Pelusium and the same day routed the Egyptians that opposed him. {Dio, l. 39.}

4693. Cicero, in a speech that he made at Rome, extorted from the ignoble king of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that was located on the Euphrates River. He also spoke many things against him and he exposed him to ridicule by all men, the purple gown that he had gotten when Caesar was consul. {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 11.}

4694. On the ides of February (which happened on the Julian November) the Tyrians were admitted into the senate and oposite them were many of the Syrians and publicans. Gabinius was extremely upset. However, the publicans were chided by Domitius because they followed Gabinius' horse. (??) {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 12.}

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4695. About the month of May (which happened on the Julian February) there was a great rumour at Puteoli that Ptolemy was in his kingdom. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 4. epist. 9.} He indeed was in Egypt and Gabinius had taken Archelaus who came out against him sooner than they thought he would. So there was no more business to be done. However, Gabinius feared lest having done nothing he should receive less money from Ptolemy than was agreed upon. He also hoped that because Archelaus was a brave man and of good reputation that he would receive more money. He had received a great sum of money from Archelaus and he let him go as if he had escaped from him. {Dio, l. 39.}

4696. M. Antony had done many noble acts in the fights and battles. By this he showed himself a valiant and wise commander. He was honoured with many excellent gifts especially for his tactic of surrounding the enemy from the rear and by that means he gave the victory to them that were attacking from the front. {Plutarch, in Antony}

4697. The people of Egypt marched from the walls of the city under the command of Archelaus against Gabinius. Archelaus had ordered that the camp should be fortified with a rampart and a ditch. They all cried out that the work should be done with the public money. Therefore their minds were so engrossed with pleasure, they could not withstand the attack of the Roman army. {Valer. Maxim., l. 9. c. 1.} Gabinius again obtained a victory by sea and land. The Alexandrians were brave and daring and by nature were heady and rash to speak anything that came into their minds. However, they were most unfit for war. Although in seditions (which happened often among them, and those were very great) they soon started to murder each other. They thought it good to die in this way. {Dio, l. 59.}

4698. When Gabinius had conquered them and killed many in the fight including Archelaus, he was master of all Egypt which he turned over to Ptolemy. {Dio, l. 59.} {Livy, l. 105.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.} All of this Cicero mentions in a few words, in his speech against Piso and refers to the madness of Gabinius.

``That vast wealth was now spent that he had drawn from the fortunes of the publicans, from the countries and cities of the allies. Part of it was devoured by his insatiable lust, part by his new and unheard of luxury, part by the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholly plundered, part by bartering, and all for building up this mountain of Tuseuluni. When the intolerable building was stopped for a time, he sold to the Egyptian king, his fasces, the army of the people of Rome, in spite of the power and the threatening of the immortal gods, the answer of the priests, the authority of the senate, the commands of the people for the fame and dignity of the empire. Whereas the bounds of his province were as great as he wanted, as great as he could desire, as great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not contain himself within them. He brought his army from Syria. How dared he carry it from the province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to the king of Alexandria and what was more vile than this? He came into Egypt and fought with the Alexandrians. When had either the senate or the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria. What could he expect more from his madness but that he would send letters to the senate telling of all the famous acts that he had done?''

4699. Dio observed that he did not send the letters lest he himself might be the witness of his own villainies.

4700. M. Antony contended for the body of the dead Archelaus (who was his close friend) and gave it a royal burial. He was famous among the Alexandrians for this deed. {Plutarch, in Antony} In Pontus, the son of Archelaus received the priesthood of the Commani after his father. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.}

4701. Gabinius left some of his soldiers for a guard with Ptolemy at Alexandria. These later lived after the manner of the Alexandrian life and licentiousness. They forgot the name and discipline of the people of Rome and married wives by whom they had many children. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.} Lucan adds: {Lucan, l. 10.}

----The greater part were Latins born, But they, corrupted into foreign manners, Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn, To obey a sergeant, follow a servant's banners, Whom the Pharian tyrants rule was much below.

4702. When Ptolemy was restored to his kingdom, he put to death his daughter, the queen Bernice. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.} {Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebian. Scaliger. p. 226.} He also killed many of the rich noblemen because he needed much money. {Dio, l. 39.}

4703. C. Rabirius Posthumous was a Roman equestrian who had rashly trusted Ptolemy when he was in his kingdom and when he came to Rome. Ptolemy left with his money and the money of his friends. In order to recover the money, he was forced to change the Roman robe for the Greek robe at Alexandria. He had to undertake there the proctorship and stewardship for the king. He was made the king's overseer by Auletes. Notwithstanding, he was later put in prison and saw many of his close friends put in bonds and death was always before his eyes. At last he was forced to flee from the kingdom, naked and poor. {Cicero, pro C. Rabirius}

4704. While Gabinius stayed in Egypt, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, again seized by force the government and made many of the Jews revolt. He gathered a large army and foraged the country. He killed all the Romans he found and besieged all those that fled to Mount Gerizim. When Gabinius returned, he sent Antipater who was known for his great wisdom, to the rebellious Jews. He was able to make many submit to him in obedience. However, Alexander had with him 30,000 Jews and fought with Gabinius near the Itabyr Mountain. The Jews lost 10,000 men. After Gabinius had settled the affairs of Jerusalem by following Antipater's advice, he went against the Nabateans whom he overcame in one battle. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}

4705. King Mithridates, the son of Phraates the second, was abandoned by Gabinius and did not recover the Parthian kingdom with the help of the Arabians. (This was commonly believed from the incorrect interpretation of the words of Appian. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120.}) Rather, he retired to Babylon, as is gathered from Justin. When his brother, Orodes, had long besieged and finally, because of the famine, he forced the city to surrender. Mithridates trusted on the fact that he was his brother and surrendered to him. However, Orodes took him rather for an enemy than a brother, and commanded him to be killed before his eyes. {Justin. l. 47 c. 4.}

4706. Gabinius secretly sent back Mithridates and Orsanes who were men of renown among the Parthians and who had fled to him. He spread rumours among the soldiers that they had fled. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 11.}

4707. The Syrians complained very much about Gabinius. Among other things that because of his absence, they were grievously bothered with thieves. The publicans also complained, that by reason of the thieves, they could not gather the tribute and were deeply in debt. The Romans were angry and determined to have the matter judged and were prepared to condemn him. Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius and was of the opinion that the Sibyl's oracles should be read again. He convinced himself that there was some punishment determined for him who had violated the oracles. However, both Pompey and Crassus, who was one of the consuls, favoured Gabinius. Pompey favoured him of his own will. He did this to gratify his colleague and also for the money that Gabinius had sent. Since both of them publicly defended him, they allowed nothing to be decreed against him. They had Cicero banished. {Dio, l. 39.}

4708. In his second consulship, Pompey dedicated his theatre by exhibiting most magnificent plays and shows. {Cicero, de Offic. l. 2., Letters to his Friends, l. 7. epist. 1., Ascon. Pedian. in Orat. Pisonianam.} Although it was reported that this theatre was not built by Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (who was a Gadarene) from the money that he had obtained when he was a soldier under him. He gave the honour of this work to Pompey lest he should be ill spoken of that a freed man of his should get so much money and that he could spend so much. {Dio. l. 39.}

4709. Gabinius did not allow the lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the province of Syria. He kept it as if he had received a perpetual government. {Dio, l. 39.}

4710. The tribunes of the people hindered Crassus, the consul, from raising any soldiers and endeavoured to make void the expedition that was decreed to him. Crassus took up arms. The tribunes of the people, saw that their liberty was threatened and for lack of arms were helpless to withstand his actions. They stopped their actions but cursed him to the pit of hell. As Crassus went into the capitol to make his accustomed prayers for a prosperous journey, they told him what unlucky signs and prodigies had happened. {Dio, l. 39.}

4711. Ateius, the tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus' departure as were many others who were offended that he should plan to make war against men that were at peace with them and who were confederates. Crassus feared this and desired that Pompey would go with him from the city for Pompey was held in high esteem with the common people. Although many were prepared to hinder Crassus, yet when they saw Pompey go ahead of him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they held their peace and made a path for them. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4712. When Ateius, the tribune, met Crassus, he forbade him to go any farther. Then he ordered a sergeant to lay hold on him and carry him to prison. However, the rest of the tribunes would not allow it and Crassus got outside the walls. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 39.} However, Ateius ran to the gate and there started a fire. As Crassus passed by, he cast in perfumes and made sprinklings over it and pronounced horrible curses and called on the terrible and strange names of the gods. The Romans thought these secret and ancient exhortations to be of such force that he that was so cursed could not escape their power nor he that cursed anyone would ever prosper. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4713. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} wrote that Metellus, the tribune of the people, made hostile curses on Crassus when he started his journey. Velleius Paterculus {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} stated that all the tribunes of the people cursed Crassus. Appian, {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 438.} and Dio {Dio, l. 39.} noted:

----The tribunes so ill befriended Crassus, with curses he his march attended.

4714. Lucan {Lucan, l. 3.} said that P. Ateius mainly pronounced those curses and set a sign before him and warned him of what would happen unless he took heed. Cicero, {Cicero, de divinatione., l. 1.} from whose house Crassus left for the province, for Cicero had dined with him in the gardens of his son-in-law Crassippes. {Cicero, Letters to His Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.} From there Cicero went to Tusculanum about the middle of November (which happened on the Julian August) and Crassus went on his journey clad in his armour. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist. 12.} At Brundusium, Crassus shipped his army. {Cicero, de divine, l. 2.}

4715. Crassus sailed from Brundusium before the storms were over on the seas and he lost many of his ships. He landed his army from those that survived and he marched by land through Galatia. He found King Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new city and mocked him by saying:

``Do you begin to build in the afternoon?''

4716. The king smilingly answered:

``Truly I think, O General, you do not go against the Parthians in the morning!''

4717. Crassus was older than 60 and his face made him seem older than he was. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

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4718. Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new consuls and many that had been consuls. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 8.}

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4719. Crassus had not much to do in Syria, for the Syrians were quiet and those that had troubled Syria were afraid of the power of Crassus and did not stir. Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians. There was no reason for making war upon them, only that he heard that they were rich. He hoped that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be overcome. {Dio, l. 40.}

4720. When he heard of the riches of the temple of Jerusalem, which Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Palestine and came to Jerusalem and took away the riches. {Oros. l. 6. c. 13.}

4721. In the temple was a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds or 750 common pounds. It was enclosed in an hollow beam of wood on which they hung the hangings of the temple which were admired for their beauty and esteem. Eleazar, a priest, who was the keeper of the sacred treasure, only knew about this. When he saw Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold, he feared lest he should take away all the ornaments of the temple. He turned over to him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest. He first bound him by an oath that he would not take anything else. In spite of this, Crassus took this and immediately broke his oath and took from the temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had not touched as well as all the rest of the gold which tallied to 8000 Attic talents. Josephus tried to prove the existence of these vast riches for he was persuaded that it would scarcely be believed among people of other counties. He cites the historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia which are now lost and from others that there was found there in olden times gold sent from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia and Cyrene. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 12.}

4722. Crassus built a bridge over the Euphrates River and easily and safely crossed the river with his army. He controlled many towns that voluntarily yielded to him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} They did not expect Crassus' arrival so that there was scarcely any established garrisons in all of Mesopotamia. {Dio, l. 40.}

4723. Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the governor of that country, fought with Crassus with a few cavalry and was defeated. He was wounded and retired to the king and informed him of the expedition of Crassus. {Dio, l. 40.}

4724. In the meantime, Crassus recovered many cities, especially those that belonged to the Greeks including Nicephorium. For many of the inhabitants of the Macedonians and Greeks who served in the wars under the Macedonians feared the tyranny of the Parthians. They hoped for a better deal from the Romans and Crassus knew the Greeks favoured Rome and they very willingly revolted from the Parthians. {Dio, l. 40}

4725. Only the citizens of Zenodotia, where Apollonius was the ruler, killed an hundred Roman soldiers. They had allowed them within their walls as if they meant to surrender to them. Thereupon Crassus brought his whole army there and captured the city. He sacked it and sold the inhabitants because of this outrage. Although this was Crassus' first encounter with an enemy, he allowed himself to be called "imperator" or captain general. This turned out to his disgrace and to be thought of as a lowly man as if he did not hope for any great matters since he was puffed up with so small a success. {Dio, l. 40} {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4726. Gabinius returned into Italy when Domitius and Appius were consuls. {Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian.} These same consuls were there again and gave judgment against Gabinius when he was absent. Although Pompey stood very earnestly for him, the opinion of many of the judges was against him. For Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason of the dispute about the demanding of the consulship and because he had taken that office against his good will. Although Appias was a relative of Pompey, he planned that by flattering the people, he hoped that if he made any move, he would be bribed by Gabinius. To that end he directed all his actions. Therefore it was decreed that the Sibyl's verses should be read over again although Pompey was much against it. In the meantime, the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome. The money wrought so much that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great loss whether he was absent or present. For there was then such confusion at Rome that when Gabinius had but given part of that money to bribe the magistrates and some of the judges, they did not want to bring the matter to justice. Others had learned that they could be wicked with impunity and that money easily bought "justice" and removed the threat of punishment. {Dio, l. 39.}

4727. On the twelfth of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came into the city. On the fourth of October, he entered the city by night {Cicero, ad Quint. Fratr. l. 3. epist. 1.} for he was so tormented by his conscience for his ugly actions that it was late when he came into Italy. He came by night into the city and dared not go out of his own house for many days. {Dio, l. 39.}

4728. Various factions accused Gabinius. L. Lentulus, the son of the Flamen, accused him of treason. T. Nero, with various good men joined in this accusation along with C. Memmius, the tribune of the people with Lucius Capito. After he was accused of treason, he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetor. He was almost trodden under foot by the great crowd and was hated by all the people. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 1.}

4729. On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies and his soldiers, he was quite astonished in the midst of a great multitude. Appius, the consul, accused him of treason. When his name was called he answered not a word. When he wanted to leave, he was detained by the consuls and the publicans were brought in. He was accused on all sides. When he was most of all wounded by the words of Cicero, he could not endure it. With a trembling voice Cicero called him a banished man. All the senate rose against him with a shout so that they came to him where he stood. Likewise the publicans did the same with the similar shout and with violence. On the sixth, the ides of October, Memmius angrily put Gabinius before the people so that Calidius could not speak for him. The next day, there was a divination of Cato, the praetor's house, for the appointing of an accuser against Gabinius. They selected between Memmius or T. Nero or C. and L. Antony, the sons of Marcus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2.}

4730. There were many accusations against Gabinius and not a few accusers. The first thing that was debated concerned the crime of restoring Ptolemy to his kingdom. Almost all the people flocked to the tribunal and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially because Pompey was not there. Cicero had most sharply accused him. {Dio. l. 39.} Cicero {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2, 4.} denies that he accused him. He did this from fear of having any quarrels with Pompey or because he did not doubt that justice would be done whether he was there or not, or he would be for ever disgraced if such an infamous guilty person should escape justice if he pleaded against him.

``I was much delighted (said he in epist. 4.) with this moderation, and this also pleased me that, when I had sharply spoken both according to condolence and religion, the defendant said that if he might be in the city that he would give me satisfaction. Neither did he ask me anything.''

4731. In the ninth epistle, Cicero stated:

``All that I did, I did with much gravity and unity as all were of the same opinion. I neither urged it nor anything qualified it. I was a vehement witness. I did nothing else.''

4732. In this trial for treason, Gabinius was very slow in answering and was hated by all kinds of men. Alsius was a sharp and good witness against him. Pompey was very earnest to beg the judges to favour him. {Cicero. ad quintuus Fratr., l. 3. epist. 3.} Gabinius said that he restored Ptolemy for the good of the state because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus and because he thought the sea would be filled with pirates. He said also that he might do it by law. {Cicero, in orat. pro Rabinio. Posthumo.} The friends of Caesar and Pompey were very eager to help him and said that the Sibyl referred to another king and another time. They pleaded this the most because in the oracle there was no specific punishment mentioned. {Dio, l. 39.} Lucius Lentulus was incredibly young to be a prosecutor. All said he was brought in on purpose so that Gabinius might win. In spite of this, there had been great disputes and intreaties by Pompey and a rumour of a dictatorship which caused much fear. Gabinius had not replied to Lucius Lentulus. When the judges gave their sentence, there were 32 who condemned him and 38 who absolved him. {Cicero, l. 4. epist. 1., ad Quintum Fratr. l. 3. epist. 4.}

4733. Dio {Dio, l. 39} stated that when Gabinius stood the trial for so high crimes that he gave great sums of money. When he was absolved, there wanted but little. However, the people killed the judges. Gabinius was brought to the judgment of the people by Memmius and freed by the intercession of Laelius, the tribune of the people. Valerius Maximus {Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 1.} stated what happened. A. Gabinius in the midst of his infamy, was subjected to trial of the people by C. Memmius, his accuser. It seemed as if all his hopes were dashed because the accusation was fully proved and his defence was very weak. Those that judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him. The lictor and prison were always before his eyes. All this was thwarted by the intervention of a propitious fortune. Sisenna, the son of Gabinius, through the mere impulsion of amazement, fell humbly prostrate before Memmius. From there he hoped for some assuaging of the storm at its source. Memmius, the insolent conqueror, rejected him with a stern countenance and took his ring from his finger and let it lie on the ground a great while. This spectacle was the reason that Laelius, the tribune of the people, ordered that Gabinius be dismissed. We may learn by this example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity nor that anyone ought to be too much cast down by adversity.

4734. In spite of this acquittal, Gabinius was on trial again for other reasons and that he had wrongfully extorted 100,000 (either drachmas or pence) from the province. He was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was gone from the city to provide grain, (for much grain was ruined by the flooding of the Tiber River) was still in Italy. He hurried to be present at the trial but when he saw that he came too late, he did not leave the suburbs until the trial was finished. Pompey called the people together outside the walls of the city, (because it was not lawful for a proconsul to come into the city) and spoke to them on the behalf of Gabinius. He read to them the letters that he had received from Caesar concerning the safety of Gabinius. He used many intreaties with the judges. He prevented Cicero from prosecuting Gabinius and persuaded Cicero to defend him! However, all these things did not help Gabinius. The judges condemned him partly for the fear of the people and partly because they had not received any large bribes from Gabinius, (who being accused for small wrongs did not bestow much money and surely thought he would be freed.) They condemned him to banishment and Caesar later restored him and brought him back. {Dio, l. 39.}

4735. Cicero, (Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus) acknowledged that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they became friends who were formerly great enemies. Although this favour is commended by Valerius Maximus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 2.} Dio confirmed, that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a renegade. Truly Marcus Cicero quite forgot what he had previously written to his brother Quintus. {Cicero, l. 3. epist. 5.}

``I would be ruined if I had defended Gabinius as Pansa thought I ought to have done.''

4736. Although he {Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus}, gives this account of his actions:

``The renewing of our friendship was the reason that I defended Gabinius. Neither does it ever grieve me to have a mortal hatred and immortal friendship.''

4737. Timagenes, the Alexandrian (or the Egyptian, according to some) was the son of the king's treasurer. He was captured in the war and brought to Rome by Gabinius. He was redeemed by Faustus, the son of Sulla, and taught rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the triumvirs and wrote many books. {Suidas in Timagenhj}

4738. When Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul of Cilicia had done well in the war, his army greeted him as "imperator" or captain general. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 8, 9.}

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4739. About the end of his term as consul, Appius Claudius Pulcher, the senate decreed he was to replace to P. Cornelius Lentulus. This law was not ratified by the people and he went into Cilicia at his own expense. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9., ad Quintum fratr., l. 3. epist. 2., ad Attic. l. 4. epist 56.} Lentulus went to meet him when he came into the province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 7.} When Appius took over the command, he most miserably afflicted the province and almost destroyed it. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 16, l. 6. epist. 1.}

4740. Crassus should have followed up his initial successes he had in first taking the places in Mesopotamia with the full force of his army and made good use of the fear the barbarians of him. He should have attacked Babylon and Seleucia which were cities that were always enemies to the Parthians. Instead he was weary of being in Mesopotamia and longing after the ease and idleness in Syria. He gave the Parthians time to prepare for war and occasions for attacking those Roman soldiers that were left in Mesopotamia. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 40.}

4741. He had placed garrisons in those cities that had surrendered to him. These amounted to 7000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. He returned to Syria to winter there. His son, P. Crassus, came to him from Julius Caesar from Gaul, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as generals usually do. He brought with him a 1000 choice cavalry. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4742. Crassus spent his time in Syria more like a publican than like a general. He did not spend his time in getting arms or training his soldiers. Instead he tallied up the revenues of the cities and for many days was weighing and measuring the treasures of the goddess of Hierapolis. He also demanded soldiers from various people and then discharged them for a sum of money. These actions brought him into contempt. As they were going from the temple of the goddess of Hierapolis, the young Crassus fell on the threshold and his father fell on top of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Hierapolis is that city which some call Bambyce, others Edessa and the Syrians, Magog. The Syrian goddess, Atargatis, called by the Greeks, Derceto, was worshipped here. {Strabo, l. 16. p. 748.} {Pliny, l. 5. c. 23.}

4743. Rabitius Posthumus was accused before the judges of treason because he followed Ptolemy to Alexandria for the money that he owed him. {Sueton, in Claudia, c. 16.} After Gabinius was condemned of extortion and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because the king made him his "dioecetes" or treasure. He had wore the clothes of Alexandria and had gathered money from the tributes which was imposed by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was very cold. This may be deduced from his speech which is still extant.

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4744. M. Crassus and his son Publius were killed and the army was routed and perished with shame and disgrace beyond the Euphrates River. {Cicero. de divinatione, l. 2.} Dio mentions this defeat {Dio, l. 40} but Plutarch treats it more fully. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Appian copied Plutarch word for word in his writings. {Appian, de Parthicis} Therefore it will be worth the work to record the main parts of this most famous history, taken from these accounts as Salianus has done.

4745. Orodes, the king of the Parthians, sent ambassadors to Syria to Crassus. They were find out why Mesopotamia was invaded and demand the reasons why he started this war. Orodes also sent Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken or revolted. He personally made an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned there and was afraid of his own Kingdom, would send any help to the Romans. {Dio, l. 40.}

4746. The ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria as he was drawing his forces from of their winter quarters, (although Florus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia when Crassus was camped at Nicephorium.) The reminded him of the league that they had made with Pompey and Sulla and by this declared to him that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome that then they would have no peace with the Romans. If Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain and had seized his cities, then their king would use him more favourably considering Crassus' old age and he would send back his soldiers to the people of Rome. Crassus was blinded by the king's treasures and did not reply nor did he pretend to excuse the war. Crassus said that he would answer them at Seleucia. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l 40.} Then Vageses, the chief of the ambassadors, smiled, and struck the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left and said that hairs would sooner grow there then that Crassus would see Seleucia. So the ambassadors returned and told King Orodes that he must prepare for war.

4747. In the meantime, certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, barely escaped with great danger and brought Crassus news. The told of the approach formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of weapons they used and how they fought. They spoke from experience! This so discouraged the Romans that some of the captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay and hold a council, about the whole business. Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus was one who urged this. The soothsayers also tried to deter him but Crassus would not listen to any of them.

4748. Crassus was mainly by Artabazes, the king of the Armenians, who came into his camp with 6000 cavalry who were said to be the king's own guard. He promised him another 10,000 men at arms, and 30,000 foot soldiers whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he should invade Parthia through Armenia and that he would abundantly supply his army. The march that way would be safer because of the unevenness of the country and so not so much in danger of the large numbers of Parthian cavalry. Crassus neglected this most wise counsel and thanked the Armenian. He sent him back and told him that he would march through Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.

4749. When he came to Zeugma, on the bank of Euphrates River, he ignored many bad prodigies which Plutarch and Dio mentioned. The main one was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. He stated that:

``A sudden wind snatched the standard from the standard bearer, and it sank in the water. A sudden darkness of the sky that fell and hindered their crossing.''

4750. In spite of this Crassus was determined to go on. Florus, {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} stated this:

``When the army had passed Zonguia, sudden whirlwind threw the standard into Euphrates River where it sank.''

4751. Crassus also ignored the council of Cassius. He advised him that he should refresh his army in some of the cities where he had a garrison, until he heard some definite news of the Parthians. Otherwise, he should march along the river to Seleucia and so the ships would supply him with food and would follow the camp. The river would keep the enemy from surrounding him.

4752. As Crassus was considering these things, Auganus or Abgarus Osroenus dissuaded him from this good advice. He is correctly named by Dio. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} called him Mazares the Syrian and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus vary. He was called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus and also Abgarus. In Plutarch, he was called Ariamnes, a captain of the Arabians. Although in some copies of Plutarch and in those from which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is called Acbarus. This man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pomepy's time but now followed the Parthians. Although he was on the Parthian's side, he pretended that he was a good friend to Crassus and liberally gave much money to him. He found out all Crassus' plans and told them to the Parthians. When Crassus was determined to march to Seleucia, and from there to go to the city of Ctesiphon, Auganus persuaded Crassus that he follow that plan because it would take too long. Instead, he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his captains. (He would leave Euphrates River behind him which was his only supply line and fortification for him.)

4753. He then led his army through a vast sandy desert plain that lacked water and any green herb. Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent ambassadors to him and told him that he could send him no forces because he was fighting a major war for Orodes had now wasted the country of the Armenians. He very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia and to join forces with him that together they might fight with Orodes. If he was not pleased to do this then he should be sure to avoid those places that were most suitable for cavalry. Crassus angrily rejected this advice and did not write to the king. He told them that he had no time to think about Armenia but that on his return he would punish Armenian for its treachery. Abgarus left immediately before his treachery was discovered. He had persuaded Crassus that he might surround the enemies and rout them.

4754. They had not gone far when a few scouts returned (for the rest were killed by the enemy) and told them that there were huge forces, who courageously marched on toward them. At this Crassus was astonished and all the army was paralysed with fear. Crassus at the first followed Cassius' advice and set his battle formation wide. Presently he changed his mind, and he contracted his forces and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius and the other to his son C. Publius. He led the battle in the middle. As soon as they came to the Balissus River, most of the commanders tried to persuade him to camp and to lodge there all night. In the meantime, they should send scouts to see what forces the enemy had and how they were armed. Crassus ignored this good advice because his son and some of his cavalry were eager for a fight. So he commanded them that would eat and drink. They should do it standing and keep their ranks. Before this could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not in formation and quietly until the enemies were seen.

4755. Surenas did not show all his forces at first nor the brilliance of their arms. He placed his troops in a convenient place to terrify the Romans. When they tried with their lances to make the Romans break rank, they could not. As soon as they saw the depth of the Roman forces and that the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired. When they seemed to be in disorder, they surrounded the Romans before the Romans realised it. After Crassus commanded his light cavalry to attack them, they had not marched very far when they were showered with arrows and were forced to retire to the main body of troops. This was the beginning of the fear and disorder of the Romans especially when they saw the force of the weapons that broke through everything and caused many nasty wounds.

4756. The Parthians left them and began to shoot with their arrows on every side at the whole body of the army. No arrow fell in vain. They hit with so great a force that it made either an horrible wound or most commonly resulted in death. The Parthians continued shooting even when they withdrew from the Romans. The Romans were encouraged that when they had shot all their arrows, then the battle would be fought by hand to hand combat. However, they soon knew that there were many camels loaded with arrows from which they that had first shot all their arrows, went to get more. Crassus began to despair and knew that there would be no end of their shooting until they were all killed with their arrows. Thereupon, he ordered his son to endeavour by all means to join battle with the enemy before they were surrounded.

4757. The young Crassus took with him 1300 cavalry (1000 of which he had received from Caesar), 500 archers, and eight ensigns of the next footmen who had bucklers. He charged the Parthians who fled on purpose to draw him a good way off from his father. Then they turned around and shot them through with their arrows on every side. Publius, (whom Orosius commended as a most famous and excellent young man, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13., Eutropius, l. 6.}) commanded a gentleman to thrust him through the side because he could not use his hand that was shot through. Censorinus, a senator and orator is said to have died in a similar way. Magabacchus, who was valiant man both in body and mind, thrust himself through, as did the rest of the nobility. The rest fled to an hill and were killed in the fight by the spears of the Parthians. There were 500 said to be taken prisoners.

4758. They cut off Publius' head and marched toward Crassus who was expecting the return of his son during the time the enemy did not press them so hard. However, messenger came upon messenger and said that Publius was totally defeated unless he was immediately helped with a very strong force. Crassus planned to march with the whole army when the enemies came upon him. They made a terrible noise and had become more fierce because of the victory. They brought the head of his son upon a spear. That spectacle broke the hearts of the Romans, in spite of Crassus' endeavours to encourage his men to wipe the joy from the enemy of their victory and to revenge their cruelty. The battle was renewed but the Romans were wounded on every side again with their arrows. Many died miserably. For those who desperately thought that they might escape the arrows, charged with large lances the enemy who were forced into a small area. With one thrust, they struck through two bodies. This continued as night approached and the Parthians retired. They bragged that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.

4759. That same night Octavian and Crassus called together the centurions and soldiers. Crassus was overwhelmed with sorrow for the army's defeat and the death of his son. He kept himself in the dark with his head covered. They feared what was yet to come and forced the rest of the army to consider fleeing. The army in all places began to break camp without any sound of trumpet. When those that were weak knew they were being abandoned, there was great tumult and confusion and all the camp was filled with howling and lamentations. Then fear and terror seized those that marched because they thought the enemy would be aroused by this noise and come and attack them. Indeed the enemy did know that they were leaving but did not pursue them. Three hundred light cavalry under their Captain Egnatius came to Carrae late in the night. He called to the watch and ordered them to tell Coponius, the governor, that Crassus had had a major battle with the Parthians. That is all he said and marched quickly to Zeugma. Coponius, assumed by the vagueness of the message that this was not good news. He presently armed his men and met Crassus who marched slowly because of his wounded men. He received him with his army into the city.

4760. As soon as it was day, the Parthians went to the Roman camp and there killed 4000 that were left there. Many also of their cavalry men were captured as they were wandering in the plain. Among these there were four cohorts who were led by Vargunteius, a lieutenant, and had lost their way in the night. These retired to an hill which the Parthians quickly surrounded. They killed them all in a fight, except twenty soldiers. These broke through the midst of the enemy and came safely to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.}

4761. Surenas was uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae or fled to some other place. He sent certain men to Carrae that he might know the truth under a pretence of making a league with the Romans if they would surrender Mesopotamia. The Romans approved of this because they were in a desperate condition. The Parthians demanded a time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. When Surenas knew that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army and besieged the place. He commanded the Romans that if they wanted any truce that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius as prisoners. Hereupon, the Romans were exceedingly sorrowful that they were so cheated. They gave up all hope of any help from the Armenians and they thought how they might escape by flight.

4762. This council was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, however, Crassus told it to Andromachus, who was the most perfidious of all men. Crassus used him for their guide on his march. Thereupon the Parthians knew all their councils because of the treachery of Andromachus. Since it was not the custom nor safe for the Parthians to fight at night, Crassus went out by night. Lest the enemy should not be able to catch up, Andromachus led them, sometimes one way and sometimes another. Finally he led them into deep bogs and places that were full of ditches. There were some who suspected Andromachus' often turnings and would not follow him for Cassius had retired to Carrae and from there with 500 men made his way into Syria. Others, who got trustworthy guides, took the way of the Synaca Mountains and before day, they retired into a safe place. These were almost five thousand men, under Octavian, a valiant man and their commander.

4763. The day overtook Crassus, who was entangled in those difficult places and bogs because of the treachery of Andromachus. He got through those areas with much difficulty along with four cohorts of legionary soldiers, a few cavalry and five lictors. When the enemy approached, he fled to another hill, within 1.5 miles of Octavian. It was not so well fortified nor too steep for horses. It was below the Synaca Mountains and joined to it with a long neck of land that stretched through the middle of the whole plain. Hence Octavian could easily see the danger that Crassus was in. Therefore he first, with a few others came to his aid. The rest chided one another and followed him and drove the enemy from the hill. He received Crassus into the middle of them and covered him with their shields and encouraged him. No weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their general until they had killed those who defended him to the last man.

4764. Surenas saw that the Parthians were not so courageous as they should be and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially when they fought from higher ground. If night should overtake them then the Romans could not be taken. They would keep to the mountains and go to the Armenians and so might by their means, renew the war as Dio stated. Surenas plotted another treacherous deed. He let some prisoners go free who had overheard some of the barbarians say on purpose that their king was not altogether against making peace with the Romans and that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be if he could make peace. In the meanwhile, the barbarians stopped fighting and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent. He held out his right hand and invited Crassus to make a league with him. He told him that he had experienced of the force of the Parthians but now, if he wanted, he would experience his humanity. Crassus did not go to him because he was afraid of him and saw no reason for this sudden change of heart.

4765. However, the soldiers demanded peace even with harsh words to Crassus. He tried to persuade and reason with them that if they could hold out for the rest of the day, then that night they could march through the mountainous places. They should not abandon the hope of safety that was so near them. They began to rebel and beat their harnesses and began to threaten him. He was afraid and he went toward the enemy but turned around to his own men and said:

``Yea, if Octavian and Petronius and all you Roman commanders that are here with me, see what violence is done to me, yet, if ever any of you shall get away safely, say that Crassus was deceived by his enemies and not delivered up by his own citizens.''

4766. This he might seem to have said as he were trying by this friendly speech if he could assuage their obstinate minds, while he provided for their honour. However, Octavian and the rest did not remain on the hill but went down with him. Crassus forbid the lictors who wanted to follow him for his honour's sake.

4767. The first who came from the barbarians were two half-breed Greeks. They dismounted from their horses and greeted him in Greek and desired that he would send some ahead to see if Surenas and the rest that came to the parley, had arrived safely. Crassus sent the two Roscii that were brothers whom Surenas detained. Surenas came on horseback but Crassus was walking. He commanded that an horse should be brought to him and that he should go to the river side to write the articles of the peace. Because the Romans were not very mindful of their covenants, Surenas gave him his right hand. When Crassus sent for an horse, Surenas told him there was no great need, for the king has given you one. Soon an horse with a golden bridle was brought to him. The grooms mounted Crassus and followed him behind and lashed the horse. First, Octavian took hold of the bridle and after him, Petronius, one of the colonels. Then the rest of the Romans came around him to steady the horse and to take him from them that pressed around Crassus on every side.

4768. At first they were jostling and thrusting one the other, at last they started fighting. Octavian drew his sword and killed a groom, one of the barbarians. Another struck Octavian from behind and killed him. Petronius had no weapon and was being hit on his coat of mail. He got off his horse and was not harmed. Promanaethros or Manarthes by name, a Parthian, killed Crassus. Others said that he cut off his head and right hand when he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt whether he was killed by his own men lest he fall alive into the enemies' hands or whether he was killed by the enemies. Livy stated: {Livy, l. 106.}

``He was taken and resisted lest he be captured alive and he was killed. He was allured to a parley by a sign given by the enemy. He would have quickly fallen into their hands unless the resistance of the tribunes, had not stirred the barbarians to prevent the flight of the general.''

4769. Florus stated {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} and Sextus Rufus followed him, in his Breviary to Valentinian the Emperor and said:

``Crassus himself was allured to a parley and might have been taken alive except for the resistance of the tribunes, he escaped and while he fled, he was killed.''

4770. Surenas, the general of the Parthians, took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca, a city of Mesopotamia {Strabo, l. 16. p. 747.} although he would rather have taken him alive. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} Velleius Paterculus stated that he was killed with most of the Roman army. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} Pliny stated that all the Lucanian soldiers were killed with him of which there were many in the army. {Pliny, l. 2. c. 56.} Jornandes wrote that they lost almost eleven legions and their general. {Jornandes, de regno. succession.} It is said that the number of those that were killed were 20,000. Only 10,000 were taken alive by the enemy according to Plutarch and Appian. Of the 100,000 in the army, 10,000 barely escaped into Syria. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 438.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid, Fastorusm, l. 6.} Dio, {Dio, l. 40.} said it was in the middle of summer. He also added that at this time, the Parthians recovered all their country again that lay within the Euphrates River.

4771. The survivors of the Roman army shifted for themselves. They were scattered by flight into Armenia, Cilicia and Syria, there was scarcely a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} As soon as this major defeat was known, many provinces of the east would have revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unless Cassius had gathered together a few soldiers from them who fled. He went to Syria and began to grow proud with great virtue and moderation. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} This is the same Cassius who would not accept the command that the soldiers offered to him at Carrae from hatred to Crassus. Crassus also willingly yielded to him when he knew the greatness of his loss. He was now compelled by necessity, to assume the government of Syria. {Dio. l. 40.} He was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria under Roman control and was also the same C. Cassius who together with Brutus, later killed Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46, 56, 58.}

4772. Surenas sent the head and the right hand of Crassus to Orodes in Armenia. He spread a rumour by his messengers at Seleucia, that he had taken Crassus alive. He dressed up Caius, a captive who looked very much like him and so made a ridiculous show which in disgrace they called a triumph. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4773. In the meantime Orodes was reconciled to Artabazes or Artarasers the Armenian, and betrothed his sister to his son, Pacoras. They made feasts and revels during which many Greek verses were sung, for Orodes understood Greek and was a scholar. Artavasdes had written tragedies and speeches and histories. Jason, the tragedian of Trallis, was there singing some verses from the Bacchis of Euripides. Agave Syllaces came into the dining room and threw the head of Crassus before them. Pomaxaethres or Maxarthes rose from supper and took it for himself since he thought it belonged more to him than any other. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4774. Among other indignities, some report that the Parthians poured molten gold down the mouth of Crassus and insulted him with words. Florus recorded this about what happened: {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.}

``The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the king and they made sport of him. They poured molten gold down his open mouth so that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold while he was alive, his dead and bloodless carcass might be burnt with gold.''

4775. Sextus Rufus, in his breviary and Jornandes, say similar things about this.

4776. Not long after, Surenas was punished for his perjury. He was killed by Orodes who envied his honour. {Plutarch, in Crassus}

4777. At Rome, M. Cicero was made augur in the place of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war. {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4778. With the death of Crassus, one head of Varro's triumvirate was cut off and the foundation laid for the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar. After Crassus was killed who was above them both, it remained for Caesar to eliminate Pompey who was above him so that he would be the greatest. {Plutarch, in Caesar, Pompey}

Nec quenquam iam ferre potest, Casarve priorem, Pompeiusve parem. {Lucan, l. 1.}

Caesar would no superior fear, Nor Pompey any equal bear.

3952a AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC

4779. During the interim the senate decreed that neither any consul nor any praetor should have by lot any foreign province until after the fifth year of his magistracy. A little later Pompey confirmed this. {Dio, l. 40.} Interrex, Servius Sulpitius, on the fifth of March in an intercalary month (about the beginning of the Julian December) appointed Pompey as consul. {Ascon. Pedian., in orat. Milonian.}

3952b AM, 4662 JP, 52 BC

4780. The Parthians invaded Syria with a small army because they thought the Romans lacked soldiers and a general. Therefore, Cassius easily repulsed them. {Dio, l. 40.}

4781. Cassius came to Tyre and arrived also in Judea. When he came the first time, he captured Tarichaea and led away about 30,000 Jewish prisoners. He executed Pitholaus because he had sided with Aristobulus' faction at the persuasion of Antipater who could do whatever he wished with Pitholaus. For Antipater saw he was in great standing with the Idumeans and sought by courtesies and friendship of others who were in power. He especially made an alliance with the king of the Arabians, to whose custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus. Cassius had forced Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to be at peace. He moved his camp to the Euphrates River to keep the Parthians from crossing over. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 12.}

3953 AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4782. When M. Marcellus and C. Sulpitius were consuls, the league was renewed with the Rhodians. It provided that one people shall not make war on the other but send mutual help to each other. The Rhodians also swore that they would have the same enemies that the senate and the people of Rome would have. {P. Lentulus with Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 4. p. 627, 630.} By this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a school at Rhodes, seemed to have come to Rome when M. Marcellus was consul. {Suidas, in voc. poshdansos} He was a very noble philosopher, mathematician and historian. Cicero {Cicero, divination, l. 2} mentioned a globe he made.

``If anyone should carry this globe into Scythia or Britain, which was recently made by a close friend of mine, whose each turning performs the same actions of the sun and moon and the other five planets do in the heavens each day, who in that barbarous land would doubt but that this was a most exact representation?''

4783. By the decree of the senate and by the law of Pompey which was made the year before, none could obtain either a consular or praetorian province, unless he had been consul or praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been consul seven years earlier and M. Tullius Cicero who had been consul eleven years before and yet had never been sent into any province, where assigned provinces by lot. Bibulus was given Syria {Dio, l. 40.} and Cicero had Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 2.} Cicero wrote that he was now appointed proconsul to Appius Pulcher, the captain general, whom he was to succeed. (For the army had given him the title of captain general because he had done well in the wars in Cilicia) Cicero also indicated that this happened against his will and he never desired that he should be forced to go to govern in his province by the decree of the senate. Cicero had for his lieutenants, his brother, Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius and M. Anneius. His quaesters were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.

4784. Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Cicero} stated that he had in his army 12,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry. Cicero said that he had the command of only two legions and those were so undermanned {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15.} that they were barely able to defend one town as M. Coelius stated. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 8. epist. 5.}

4785. Ten days before June (as the year was then accounted at Rome which happened on the sixth day of the Julian March) Cicero left for his province and came to Brundusium. There he met with Q. Fabius, the lieutenant of Appius Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed. He told him that he needed a greater force to govern that province and almost all were of the opinion that the legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied from Italy. The consul, Servius Sulpicius, positively denied this request but yet there was such a general consent of the senate that Cicero and Bibulus should quickly be sent, that he was forced at last to yield and so it was done. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 3.}

4786. Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey (Julian March 7th), a little after noon, there was an almost total eclipse of the sun, of ten and an half digits (88%). Dio said {Dio, l. 40.} the whole sun was eclipsed. Lucan wrote: {Lucan, l. 1.}

----Titan hides (When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides) In clouds his burning chariot, to enfold The world in darkness quite: day to behold No Nation hopes.----

4787. Cicero sailed from Brundusium and came to Actium, the sixteen days before July, (the 29th day of the Julian March.) He journeyed by land and came to Athens six days before July. (Julian April 8th) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 9. & 10.} The day before he came there, Memmius, who was condemned for unlawful bribery for an office and banished, had gone to Mitylene. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 11.}

4788. In the month of the Julian April, Ptolemy Auletes died. M. Coelius mentions this in a letter to M. Cicero written from Rome on first of August (the 15th day of the Julian May) {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 4.} C. Marcellus was chosen consul for the next year. News was brought to Rome and it was known for certain that the king of Alexandria was dead. Of his two sons and two daughters, he left the oldest son and daughter as heirs. So that this might be so, Ptolemy in the same will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods and by the league that he had made with them at Rome, to make sure the will was carried out. One copy of his will was sent to Rome by his ambassadors so that it might be placed in the treasury and the other was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.}

4789. His will directed that his oldest son, Ptolemy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians should be married to Cleopatra his oldest daughter and that both of them should rule the kingdom. However, they should be under the guardianship of the people of Rome. {Dio, l. 42.} Cleopatra speaks to Caesar concerning this: {Lucan, l. 10.}

I am not the first woman that have swayed The Pharian sceptre: Egypt has obeyed A queen; not sex excepted: I desire Thee read the will of my deceased sire Who left me there a partner to enjoy My brother's crown and marriage bed---

4790. The copy of this will was brought to Rome. Because of public practices, it could not be put in the treasury and was deposited with Pompey. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.} Eutropius stated Pompey was made tutor to the new king because he was so young. {Eutropius, l. 6.}

4791. M. Cicero stayed a few days at Athens, on the 6th of July {Julian April 19th) he sailed {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 8.} from the harbour of Piraeum. He was carried by a certain wind to Zorera which detained him there until the 7th. On the 8th of July (April 25th) he came to the village of Cios and went from there to Gyaros, Scyaros and Delos. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 12.} The 18th of July, (Julian May 5th) he came to Ephesus. He sailed slower because the Rhodian ships were frail. He was met by a very large crowd and the Greeks very willingly offered themselves to him as if he had been the praetor of Ephesus. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 13.} Q. Thermus was at Ephesus. He was the praetor of the Asian governments (which were separated from the province of Cilicia.) He met with Cicero about a matter of his lieutenant, M. Anneius, who had a dispute with the Sardineans. Cicero wrote many letters to him later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} P. Silius was praetor of Bithynia at that time. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 61.}

4792. P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus and returned to Rome from his embassy. He was a very learned man. Cratippus also came there from Mitylene to see and greet Cicero. Cratippus was at that time the chiefest of all the peripatertics as Cicero states in the preface to Plato's Timaeus, as he translated into Latin by himself.

4793. Cicero left Ephesus and travelled to Tralli by a very dry and dusty way. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 14.} Fives days before the month of August (Julian May 10th) he arrived at Tralli where L. Lucilius met him with letters from Appius Pulcher. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5.} By these he knew that a rebellion of the soldiers was averted by Appius and that the soldiers were all payed to the ides of July. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 14.}

4794. The day before the month of August (Julian May 14th) when Sulpitius and Marcellus were consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea into a province which was almost destroyed by Appius. That day marked the first day of his term of office that was assigned to him by the senate. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6., l. 15. epist. 2, 4.} Cicero was told by the Cypriot ambassadors who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius, the governor of Appius in Cyprus, besieged the senate in their senate house in Salamine with some cavalry troops. He hoped to starve the senators out. The same day Cicero first entered the province, he sent letters that the cavalry should immediately leave the island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21. & l. 6. epist. 1.}

4795. He saw by the time of the year, he must soon go to the army. After he had stayed three days at Laodicea, (while the money was received which was owed him from the public treasury) on the fifth of August (Julian May 17th) he journeyed to Apamea. He stayed there four or five days, three at Synnada and five at Philomelium. At that town, there was a large gathering of people. He freed many cities from the most heavy tributes, exorbitant usuries and large debts. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5. & l. 15. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist 15, 16, 20.}

4796. Appius Claudius was allowed to stay thirty days in the province after his successor arrived. This was according to the law of Cornelius Sulla, the dictator. During those days he sat in judging at Tarsus and Cicero judged at Apamea, Synnada and Philomelium. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6, 8., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16, 17.}

4797. M. Bibulus, the proconsul sailed from Ephesus about the 13th of August (Julian May 25th) and came to his province, Syria, by a very prosperous wind. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 3.} When the Senate had allowed him to raise soldiers in Asia, he did not do it. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.} The auxiliaries of the allies were through the sharpness and injustice of the government of the Romans, either so weakened that they could be of little help or so alienated from them that little could be expected from them. It did not seem wise to trust the allies for troops. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.}

4798. Before Cicero arrived in the province, the army was scattered through a rebellion. Five cohorts had no lieutenant, or colonel or centurions. He stayed at Philomelium while the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.

4799. Cicero commanded his lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five cohorts to the rest of the army. He should rally the whole army in one place and camp at Iconium in Lycaonia. When Anneius had exactly done this, Cicero came into the camp six days before September. (Julian June 7th) A few days before, according to the decree of the senate, he had received a good band of newly raised soldiers, a number of cavalry and voluntary auxiliaries of free people from the kings who were their allies. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4800. Dejotarus, the son, who was declared king by the senate, took Cicero's sons with him into his kingdom, while Cicero made war in the summer time. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 15. epist. 17, 18.} Plutarch stated {Plutarch, de Stoicorum repugnantiis} that Dejotarus, the father, killed all his other sons so that he might establish the kingdom on this one son. Both the Dejotari, father and son, reigned together. Cicero greatly commended both of them in the 11th Philippicho.

4801. Pacorus, the son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, to whom was married the sister of the king of the Armenians, came with great forces of the Parthians and a great band from other countries. They crossed the Euphrates River and attacked the province of Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 18.} Orsaces was the general and Pacorus only held the title of general for he was barely 15 years old. {Dio, l. 40.}

4802. The Parthians went into Syria and having subdued all places, they came as far as to Antioch. They hoped to win the rest also for the Romans held that province with a small army. The citizens barely endured the domineering Romans and were inclined to the Parthians since they were their neighbours and close friends. {Dio, l. 40} The proconsul, Bibulus, had not yet arrived in the province. For although the province was appointed to him but for year, as in Cicero's case, it was reported that for this reason he came so late into the province so that he could leave later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16., 18.}

4803. Cicero, two days before September, (Julian June 11th) mustered his army at Iconium. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 3. epist. 19.} On the first or third of September, the ambassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the king of the Commagenians, arrived at the camp at Iconium. They were the first who brought Cicero the news that large forces of the Parthians began to cross the Euphrates River. It was said, that the Armenian king would make an invasion on Cappadocia. When the news was brought to him, Cicero was troubled. Although there were some that thought that not much credit should be given to the king's planned invasion, Cicero did not think so. He was worried about Syria, his own province and indeed for all Asia. Therefore he thought it best that the army should march through Lycaonia, the country of the Isaurians and that part of Cappadocia which bordered Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.}

4804. After he had stayed ten days at Iconium, he moved his army and camped at the town Cybistra in the remotest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. He did this to show to Artavasdes, the Armenian king, that whatever he intended to do, there was a Roman army not far from his border. Hence he and the Parthians would think themselves shut out of Cappadocia and so Cicero could defend Cilicia that bordered on them and keep Cappadocia. This would hinder any new plans of the neighbouring kings who although they were friends of the people of Rome, yet dared not be public enemies to the Parthians. {Cicero, ad. Attic., l. 5. epist. 20., Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2. & 4.}

4805. Cicero sent his cavalry from Cybistra into Cilicia so that the news of his coming would be known to the cities in that part and the citizens would be more loyal to him. This would allow him to quickly stop what was done in Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2.}

4806. He was careful of the charge given to him by the senate that he should defend Ariobarzanes, the king of the Cappadocians and ensure that he and his kingdom were safe. The king with his brother Ariarathes and some of his father's old friends came to the camp to the proconsul (where he stayed three or four days.) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 2.} They complained of treasons that were plotted against his life and desired that some cavalry and Roman foot soldiers come and guard him. Cicero exhorted his friends that they should protect with all care and diligence, the life of their king and learn from the sad example of his father. Cicero exhorted the king that he should learn to reign by protecting his own life from whom he was certain who plotted treason against him. Those he might do with as he wished and that he should punish those who needed punishing and free the rest from fear. He should use the guard of the Roman army more for terror to those that were in the fault then for fighting. Then it would happen that when they knew the decree of the senate, should understand that Cicero would be a guard to the king, whenever needed. Concerning the king, Cicero wrote at the end of the second letter to the consuls and senate that he was more careful to inform them. In King Ariobarzanes there were such signs of virtue, wit, fidelity and good will toward them that they were wise to give him such a charge to protect him.

4807. Cicero established into great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaidis. (??) There would be a great war in Cappadocia if the priest of the Comaniaus was to defend himself with armies. Hirsius confirmed in his book {Hirsius, de bell. Alexandrin.} that the priest was considered second only to the king in majesty command and power by the common consent of that country. The priest was a young man and some thought he might start a war since he had cavalry, foot soldiers, money and allies also who wanted to see a revolution. Cicero brought it so to pass that he left the kingdom and so the king obtained the kingdom with honour and without any revolt or war. The authority of his court was more confirmed to him. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 4.} Although in another letter he thought that there was nothing more pillaged than that kingdom and nothing more poor than that king. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4808. In this way, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes was preserved for the king. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. in epist. 5. Cato} Cappadocia was reconciled to his obedience without fighting and with much good will. {Plutarch, in Cicero} Concerning Ariobarzanes, Cicero brags of himself to Atticus: {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.}

``Ariobarzanes lives and reigns by my means, by the by, by my advice and authority. This happened because I kept myself away from those that lay in wait for him and free from bribes. Hence, I preserved both the king and the kingdom.''

4809. In the meantime, Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus had not yet arrived into Syria) was at Antioch with an army. Large forces from the Parthians and Arabians had come to Antioch. There was a large body of cavalry who had passed into Cilicia and were all killed by those cavalry troops Cicero had sent there and by a praetorian cohort which was in a garrison at Epiphania. The Parthians were in Cynhestica, a part of Syria, that borders on Cilicia. Therefore, when he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia and were not far from the borders of Cilicia, he left Cylistra in Cappadocia, (when he had camped for five days) and led the army into Cilicia. At the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia twelve days before October, (Julian June 30th) he received letters from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus, a governor of the Arabians, who were considered friends of the Roman commonwealth. They said that Pacorus, with a large body of Parthian cavalry had crossed the Euphrates River and was camped at Tyba. Cicero shortly wrote to the consuls and senate about this. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1. 2. & 4., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 18. & 20.}

4810. A rumour of the arrival of Cicero, encouraged Cassius, who was besieged in Antioch and made the Parthians afraid. They left Antioch before the arrival of Bibulus and were driven back by Cassius. He pursued them in their retreat from the town and killed many of them. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 20.} Dio gives a fuller account of this.

4811. When the Parthians were hoping to capture Antioch, Cassius drove them off (for they were very awkward at storming cities.) They marched toward Antigonia. The suburbs of that city were planted with trees and so they dared not nor were able to come near it. They intended to cut down the trees and to clear the place of the forest so that they might more boldly attack the city on that side. This did not happen because it was a lot of work and time was quickly passing. Cassius attacked any stragglers. They retreated from Antigonia and planned to attack another place. In the meantime, Cassius had placed ambushes in the way they were to pass. He showed himself to them with a few troops to draw them into pursuing him. Then he turned on them. {Dio, l. 40.} Orsaces, the great commander of the Parthians was wounded and he died a few days later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.}

4812. In Justin, {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} this story is not so accurately written:

``Pacorus was sent to pursue the remains of the Roman army, after he had achieved many things of Syria. He was recalled home through the mistrust of his father. In his absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria along with all its captains were killed by Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus.''

4813. Livy stated that C. Cassius, the treasurer of M. Crassus, killed the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. {Livy, l. 108.} Velleius said that he very successfully routed the Parthians that came into Syria. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 46.} Sextus Rufus, in Breviary, said that he valiantly fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an invasion into Syria and utterly destroyed them and drove them beyond the Euphrates River. Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 6.} said that with singular valour and great courage, he restored the state when it was even lost so that he overcame the Persians in various battles. Orosius added {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} concerning Cassius:

``He overcame in battle and killed Antiochus and his large forces and by war he drove out the Parthians that were sent into Syria by Orodes. They had advanced as far as Antioch. He killed their general, Orsaces.''

4814. Cicero, {Cicero, in the 11th. Philippic} stated:

``He did many gallant things before the arrival of Bibulus, the chief commander. He utterly routed the greatest commanders and large forces of the Parthians and freed Syria from an horrible invasion of the Parthians.''

4815. It should not be accepted what is added concerning Cassius in the 14th chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabic and is entitled the second book of the Maccabees:

``He crossed over the Euphrates River and conquered the Persians and brought them under the obedience of the Romans. He also secured the obedience of those twenty two kings that Pompey had subdued and brought under their obedience whatever was in the countrys of the east.''

4816. We saw in Orosius {Orosius, l. 6. c. 6.} how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two kings.

4817. The day before the month of October (Julian July 11th) the senate was convened in the temple of Apollo. They decreed that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should hence forth be sent propraetors who formerly had been praetors at Rome and had never had any command in any province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 8.}

4818. Cicero marched with his army by the pass of the Taurus Mountains into Cilicia on October fifth (Julian July 16th) On the same day the senate read the letters of Cassius which told of his victory. He wrote that by himself, he had finished the Parthian war. Also the letters of Cicero were read telling of the Parthian uprising. Thereupon little credit was given to Crassus' letters. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 5. epist. 21.} The same day, Cicero went from Taurus Mountains toward Amanus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} This mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus and it divided Syria from Cilicia. This was a divide for the watershed and was full of perpetual enemies to both provinces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 10., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}

4819. The next day {Julian, June 19th} he camped in the plain of Mopsuestia where he wrote his eighth letter {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the proconsulship.) We read this in that letter:

``If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none. Those Arabians that were here who lived like Parthians, are said to be all returned. They deny that there was any enemy in Syria.''

4820. When Cicero came to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch and that Bibulus was at Antioch. From there, he learned that Dejotarus was quickly coming to him with a large army of cavalry, foot soldiers and all his forces. Cicero saw no cause why he should leave his kingdom. Cicero immediately sent letters and messengers to him, lest any unusual matter should happen in his kingdom. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4821. Cicero considered that it concerned both provinces very much to establish Amanus and eliminate the perpetual enemy from that mountain and enter some other parts of Cilicia. When he was gone about a day's journey from Amanus, he camped at Epiphania. Three days before the month of October (Julian July, 23rd) toward evening, he marched quickly with his army so that on the next day at daybreak, he went up the Amanus Mountain. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}

4822. He marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries. He with his brother Quintus, his lieutenant, commanded some of these. Others were under his lieutenant, C. Pomptinus and the rest under M. Anneius and L. Tullius. They came suddenly on the enemy before they were aware and many were killed or captured and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was more like a city than a village because it was the main place in Amanus along with Sepyra and Cerminoris (or Commoris) resisted for a long time very stoutly. Pomptinus attacked that part of Amanus from break of day till ten o'clock. It was taken and a large number of the enemy were killed. Six well fortified citadels were captured by their sudden coming and more were burnt. When they had done this, Cicero camped at the foot of the Amanus Mountain at the altars of Alexander by the Isstis River where Darius was defeated by Alexander. He stayed four days in destroying the remains of Amanus that belonged to his province and in wasting the country. For this so just a victory, he was called by the army, imperator or Captain General. After he had spoiled and wasted Amanus, he left it on the sixth day. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} {Plutarch, in Cicero}

4823. In the meantime, when Bibulus came to Amanus, he began to look for a laurel in a mustard tree and seek after the vain name of captain general. However, he had a great defeat. He wholly lost his first cohort, and a centurion of the vanguard who was a noble man and relative of his called Asinius Dento. He also lost all the rest of the same cohort and Sextus Lucilius, a colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man.) {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}

4824. Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia which was inhabited by the Eleutherociles. They were a cruel and fierce men who were well armed. They never had obeyed their kings and hosted at this time fugitives. They were daily expecting the arrival of the Parthians. Cicero attacked their town, Pindenissa, that was located in a steep and well fortified place. This was the 57th day before the Saturnalia, (the 12th of November and on the Julian August 1st) He surrounded it with a rampart and a trench and kept them in with six citadels and very large brigades. He attacked it with a mount, engines and a most high tower. He used many archers and a large number of battering rams. Cicero wrote this in a letter to M. Caelius Rufus who was chosen aedile, which he wrote on the 25th day of the siege (Julian August 25th) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 10.} This is also mentioned in his letters written after the capture of the city, to M. Cato, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.} and to Pomponius Atticus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.}

3954a AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC

4825. Cicero accomplished his end after much work and preparation but without any cost to the allies. Many of his men were wounded but the army was safe. On the very day of the Saturnalia (the 14th of January, or Julian September 26th) his forces had the Pindenissenses at their mercy. All the city was either beaten down or burnt. He granted the whole spoil of it to his soldiers, except for the horses. The slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were the next door neighbours to the Pindenessenses and were as wicked and audacious as they. After this, he sent his army to their winter quarters under his brother Quintus. The army should be quartered in those places that were taken form the enemy or that were not well subdued. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.} So after he settled his affairs for the summer, he appointed his brother, Quintus to command in the winter quarters and to be over Cilicia. {Cicero, at Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.} He had planned to use the summer months to execute this war and the winter months to sit in judging cases. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 14.}

4826. Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered from Cicero. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.}

4827. The son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a country of Cilicia where the Parthians also wintered. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4828. Cicero sent Q. Volusius, who was a trusty man and uncorruptible by bribes, to Cyprus to stay there a few days. Hence, those few Roman citizens, who had business to do there, would not be able to say they had not been handled fairly. For it was not right that the Cypriots should be called to courts outside of their own island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}

4829. When Cicero was well received by the cities of Cilicia, on the fifth of January (Julian October 13th) he went from the Taurus Mountains into Asia. He crossed over the Taurus Mountains in the sixth month of his command. Wherever he went, he brought it to pass, that without any violence or reproach and only by his authority and advice, the Greek and Roman citizens, who had withheld their grain, promised to supply the people. There was a great famine which raged in much of that part of Asia since there was no harvest. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}

4830. Dejotarus, (whose daughter was betrothed to the son of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia) helped Cicero greatly. He came to Laodicea to live with the Cicero's children. He brought him news that Orodes intended to come into those parts with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of summer. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20, 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}

4831. At Laodicea, from the 13th of February, (Julian November 29th) to the first of May (Julian February 26th) Cicero held court for that part of Asia that belonged to him. He held it from the 13th of February for Cibara and Apamea and from the 15th of March for Synnada and Pamphylia. Many cities were freed from their debts and many were very much eased. All of them used their own laws and judgments after they were given permission to do so. They were all greatly restored. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 2.}