| JEHOIAKIM (EIGHTEENTH), JEHOIACHIN 
					(NINETEENTH), ZEDEKIAH (TWENTIETH), KING OF JUDAH.Character of Jehoiakim' 
					s Reign — Sketch of the History of Media — Sketch of the 
					History of Babylonia — Fall of Nineveh — The new Babylonian 
					Empire — Second Expedition of Necho — Battle of Carchemish — 
					Advance of Nebuchadnezzar — State of Things in Jerusalem — 
					Partial Spoil of the Temple — Return of Nebuchadnezzar to 
					Babylon — Jehoiakim first Prisoner, then Tributary — 
					Rebellion of Jehoiakim — Death of Jehoiakim and Accession of 
					Jehoiachin — Siege of Jerusalem — Surrender of Jehoiachin — 
					His Fate — First Deportation to Babylon — Accession and 
					Reign of Zedekiah — The Rebellion of Zedekiah — Advance of 
					Nebuchadnezzar — Siege of Jerusalem — State of matters in 
					the City — Brief Relief owing to the Advance of an Egyptian 
					Army — Resumption of the Siege — Capture of part of the City 
					— Flight and Capture of Zedekiah — The Sentences at Riblah — 
					Burning of the Temple, Destruction of the City, and 
					Deportation of Captives — The Prophet Jeremiah — Appointment 
					of Gedaliah — The Court at Mizpah — Murder of Gedaliah — 
					Pursuit and Flight of the Murderers — Retreat into Egypt — 
					Last Prophecies of Jeremiah — End of the Earthly Davidic 
					Rule — The Desolate Land keeps her Sabbaths. 
					 (2 KINGS 24, 25; 2 
					CHRONICLES. 36:5-END; WITH CORRESPONDING PASSAGES FROM THE 
					BOOKS OF JEREMIAH AND OF EZEKIEL.) 
					     The reign of Jehoiakim, which lasted eleven years, was in 
					every respect 
					most disastrous. In truth, it was the beginning of the end. 
					The reformatory 
					work of Josiah gave place to a restoration of the former 
					idolatry (comp. 2 
					Chronicles 36:8). As in previous reigns, it was connected 
					with complete 
					demoralization of the people (comp. Jeremiah 7:9-15; 17:2; 
					19:4-9; Ezekiel 
					8:9-18). And this not only among the laity, high and low, 
					but equally 
					
					
					
					
					
					among the priests and prophets (comp. Jeremiah 23:9-14). All 
					the louder 
					rose the voices of the prophets' Jeremiah, Urijah, and 
					Habakkuk. But their 
					warnings were either unheeded and scorned, or brought on 
					them 
					persecution and martyrdom (2 Kings 24:4; Jeremiah 26:10, 11; 
					and 
					especially verses 20-23). Otherwise, also, it was a wretched 
					government, 
					characterized by public wrong, violence, oppression, and 
					covetousness. 
					While the land was impoverished, the king indulged in 
					luxury, and built 
					magnificent palaces, or adorned towns, by means of forced 
					labor, which 
					remained unpaid, and at the cost of the lives of a miserable 
					enslaved people 
					(Jeremiah 22:13-18; Habakkuk 2:9-17). 
      
					In these circumstances the crisis could not be long delayed. 
					As previously 
					stated, three years after his first expedition, Necho once 
					more advanced 
					against the rival empire in the east. There great changes 
					had taken place. 
					Nineveh had fallen under the combined assault of 
					Nabopalassar, king of 
					Babylonia, and Kyaxares, king of the Medes. Notices, however 
					brief, of 
					these events seem necessary for the more complete 
					understanding of this 
					history. 1 
      
					Media, by which name we understand the district in Asia 
					reaching from 
					south of the Caspian Sea, but east of the Zagros mountain, 
					down to Elam 
					(Susiana), seems to have been inhabited by a twofold 
					population: the 
					earlier settlers being of non-Arian, the later of Arian 
					descent. Their history 
					first emerges into clear light during the reign of 
					Tiglath-pileser II., who 
					incorporated into the Assyrian empire districts of Media, 
					these conquests 
					being continued by S argon and Sennacherib. Media regained 
					its 
					independence during the reign of Asurbanipal (668-626, B.C.) 
					when, as 
					previously noted, Phraortes of Media made an unsuccessful 
					inroad upon 
					Assyria. His successor, Kyaxares (633-593, B.C.), in 
					conjunction with 
					Nabopalasar of Babylonia, put an end to the Assyrian empire 
					and 
					destroyed Nineveh. 2 But the independence of Media did not 
					long continue. Astyages, the successor of Kyaxares, was dethroned by Cyrus 
					(in 558, 
					B.C.), and his kingdom incorporated with Persia. 
      
					The other, and in this history more important factor in the 
					destruction of 
					the Assyrian empire, was Babylonia, which took its place. 
					Babylonia, also 
					known to us as "the land of the Chaldees," was bounded in 
					the north by 
					Armenia and Media as far as Mount Zagros; 
					3 in the west by 
					the Arabian 
					
					
					
					
					
					desert; in the south by the Persian Gulf; and in the east by 
					Elam (Susiana). 
					Its population was of twofold race. The earliest inhabitants 
					were non- 
					Semitic — the Accadians. To them the culture of the people 
					is really due, 
					and they were the inventors of the so-called cuneiform 
					writing. To these 
					inhabitants there joined themselves at any rate so early as 
					in the third 
					millennium before our era, Semitic immigrants, coming from 
					Arabia. They 
					occupied, in the first place, Southern Babylonia, in and 
					around Ur, whence 
					they gradually spread northwards, slowly gaining the mastery 
					over the 
					earlier nationality, but receiving the impress of its 
					culture. These settlers 
					were what we know by the name of the Chaldees. To the 
					earlier history of 
					Babylonia and its relations with Assyria, we have, so far as 
					necessary for 
					our present purpose, already adverted in connection with 
					Merodach-bal- 
					adan. Without here entering into the troubled period of the 
					contests 
					between Assyria (under Tiglath-pileser, Sargon, and 
					Sennacherib) and 
					Babylonia for its independence, we recall the rebellion of 
					Saos-duchin, the 
					brother of Asurbanipal, whom he had appointed viceroy of 
					Babylon. After 
					the suppression of that rising, and the death of Saosduchin, 
					Asurbanipal 
					himself assumed the crown of Babylon. But, as we have seen, 
					his 
					successors could not maintain the supremacy of Assyria. 
					After the final 
					defeat of the Scythians, the Medes, under Kyaxares, were 
					advancing a 
					second time against Assyria. The last king of that empire 
					was purposing 
					himself to make a stand against them. But Nabopalassar, 
					instead of holding 
					Babylonia for Assyria, had turned against it, and made 
					common cause with 
					the enemy, cementing the new alliance by the marriage of his 
					son, 
					Nebuchadnezzar, with Amytis, the daughter of Kyaxares. The 
					two armies 
					now marched against Nineveh, which made brave resistance. 
					Saracus 
					destroyed himself in the flames of his palace, and Nineveh 
					was utterly laid 
					waste. 
      
					With Nabopalassar, who founded the new Babylonian empire, 
					began the 
					period of the Chaldees — as they are chiefly known to us in 
					Scripture. 
					Here we may at once indicate that he was succeeded by his 
					son, 
					Nebuchadrezzar (or Nebuchadnezzar), and he in turn by his 
					son, Evil- 
					merodach, who, after two years' reign, was dethroned by his 
					brother-in- 
					law, Neriglissar. After four years (559-556, B.C.) 
					Neriglissar was succeeded 
					by his youthful son, Laborosoarchod. After his murder, 
					Nabonidos 
					(Nabunit, Nabunaid)acceded to the government, but after 
					seventeen years' 
					
					
					
					
					
					reign (555-539 B.C.) was dethroned by Cyrus. The eldest son 
					of 
					Nabonidos, and heir to the throne, was Belshazzar, whom we 
					know from 
					the Book of Daniel, where, in a not unusual manner, he is 
					designated as the 
					son, that is, the descendant of Nebuchadrezzar (Daniel 5:2, 
					11, 18). We 
					infer that, while his father, Nabonidos, went to meet Cyrus, 
					to whom he 
					surrendered, thereby preserving his life, Belshazzar had 
					been left as "king" 
					in Babylon, 4 at the taking of which he perished in the 
					night of his feast, 
					described in Holy Scripture. 
      
					From these almost necessary digressions we return to the 
					Biblical history. 
					It was three years after his first expedition that Pharaoh 
					Necho once more 
					turned his arms against the eastern empire. Even the 
					direction of his march, 
					as indicated by the battle fought at Carchemish, shows that 
					the expedition 
					was really intended against Assyria. But Nineveh had fallen, 
					and the 
					Egyptian army was encountered by the youthful heir to the 
					new 
					Babylonian empire, Nebuchadrezzar — in the inscriptions 
					Nabukudurri-usur 5 — "Nebo, protect the crown." The Egyptian army was 
					thoroughly 
					defeated and followed by the victorious Nebuchadrezzar, who 
					now 
					recovered the Assyrian possessions in Western Asia, which 
					had been lost 
					in the previous reign. The date of this battle deserves 
					special attention. For 
					the victory of Carchemish (606 or 605 B.C.) was gained by 
					the Babylonian 
					army in the fourth year of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 46:2), and it 
					was in the 
					same fourth year of his reign that Jeremiah made Baruch 
					write in a book 
					his prophetic denunciations of judgment (Jeremiah 36:1). The 
					conjunction 
					of these two events is deeply significant. 
      
					What followed can be easily understood. As Nebuchadrezzar 
					advanced 
					towards Palestine (2 Kings 24: 1) — in the fifth year of the 
					reign of 
					Jehoiakim — the Jewish king, in abject fear, proclaimed a 
					national fast 
					(Jeremiah 36:9). Whether this was done from superstition, or 
					for the sake 
					of popular effect, or else in hope of conciliating the 
					prophet and his 
					adherents, certain it is that the professed repentance was 
					hypocritical. The 
					book of Jeremiah's prophecies, which Baruch had publicly 
					read on that 
					occasion, was cut in pieces by the king himself, and thrown 
					on the fire 
					(Jeremiah 36:22, 23). Jeremiah and Baruch only escaped 
					imprisonment, if 
					not death, by timely concealment. Nevertheless, 
					Nebuchadrezzar appeared 
					in Jerusalem. Jehoiakim, who would be regarded as a vassal 
					of Egypt, was 
					bound in fetters, with the intention of being carried to 
					Babylon. This, 
					
					
					
					
					
					however, was not done — perhaps because of the summons which 
					rapidly 
					recalled Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon. But the vessels of the 
					temple 6 were 
					sent to Babylon, and placed, first in the victor's palace, 
					and then in the 
					temple of his god — probably Bel-Merodach or Belus (comp. 2 
					Kings 
					24:13; 2 Chronicles 36:6, 7; Jeremiah 35:11; 36:29-31; 
					Daniel 1:2; and for 
					the date also Jeremiah 25: 1). 7 During the Syrian campaign 
					of Nebuchadrezzar his father, Nabopalassar, had sickened. 
					Tidings of his 
					death now induced the heir to the crown speedily to return 
					to Babylon, 
					committing his Jewish, Phoenician, Syrian, and Egyptian 
					captives, together 
					with the spoil, to his subordinates (Jos. Ant. x. II, i). 
      
					Jehoiakim was allowed to remain for three years as a 
					tributary to 
					Babylonia (2 Kings 24: 1). At the end of that time he 
					rebelled. 
					Nebuchadrezzar, who was probably detained by domestic 
					affairs, left his 
					punishment, in the first place, in the hands of his Chaldean 
					garrisons, and 
					of the old hereditary enemies who surrounded Judah. In the 
					latter respect 
					it is specially significant that the account in the Book of 
					Kings attributes 
					this to the direct agency of the Lord, in fulfillment of His 
					purpose of 
					judgment (2 Kings 24:2). The king of Egypt, who probably was 
					not 
					without share in the rebellion of Jehoiakim, did not venture 
					to come to the 
					aid of the land which was overrun by the enemy (2 Kings 
					24:7). In the 
					midst of these troubles Jehoiakim died — perhaps by the hand 
					of his 
					assailants. The king who had wrought so much evil (2 Kings 
					24:4), and 
					who had brought such misfortunes on his land, descended into 
					the grave 
					unmourned and unhonored (Jeremiah 22:18, 19; 36:30). 
      
					Jehoiakim was succeeded by his son, Jehoiachin ("Jehovah 
					confirms"), a 
					youth of eighteen years, 8 who reigned for only three months 
					and ten days 
					(2 Chronicles 36:9). He occupied the throne when Nebuchadrezzar himself 
					appeared a second time on the soil of Palestine (2 Kings 24: 
					1 1). It is 
					impossible to determine whether what now happened was in 
					punishment 
					of the previous rebellion, or because the young king was 
					guilty of similar 
					intrigues with Egypt. From the indications in Holy Scripture 
					we are led to 
					suppose that the queen-mother, Nehushta ("the brazen"), the 
					daughter of 
					Elnathan, an influential prince of Jerusalem (2 Kings 24:8; 
					Jeremiah 36:12, 
					25), had considerable share in the events of this brief 
					reign. We infer this, 
					on the one hand, from the connection of her father with 
					Egypt (Jeremiah 
					
					
					
					
					
					26:22), and on the other from the pointed references to her 
					and her fate (2 
					Kings 24:12; Jeremiah 13:18; 22:26; 29:2). 
					9 
      
					At first the siege of Jerusalem was entrusted to subordinate 
					officers. But 
					when the fall of the city seemed near Nebuchadnezzar himself 
					appeared. 
					Jehoiachin, together with the queen-mother, the court, the 
					princes, and the 
					leaders seem to have surrendered to the victor. The 
					punishment inflicted 
					on the city was of signal severity. All the treasures of the 
					temple and the 
					palace were carried away, the heavier furnishings of the 
					sanctuary 10 being 
					cut in pieces. Thus was the word of the Lord, long and often 
					spoken, 
					fulfilled (2 Kings 24:12, 13). The king himself, his mother, 
					his wives, and 
					all the officials, whether of the court, the state, or the 
					army, were carried to 
					Babylon. Nay, to make sure of the permanence of the 
					conquest, "all 
					Jerusalem" — in the sense of what made it the capital — and 
					all who in 
					any sense were "strong and apt for war" — who could either 
					lead, or fight, 
					or prepare the means for it — were carried into captivity. 
					Their number is 
					roughly stated as 11,000 (11,023[?] comp. Jeremiah 52:28), 
					11 
					comprising 
					3,000 ranked as "princes" and leading citizens, 7,000 
					soldiers (10,000, 2 
					Kings 24:14), and 1,000 craftsmen, especially smiths (2 
					Kings 24:13-16). 
					Considering that the total population of Jerusalem at that 
					time — including 
					women and children — is only calculated at between 50,000 
					and 60,000 
					souls, only a sparse remnant can have been left behind — and 
					that wholly 
					composed of "the poorest sort of the people of the land." 
					Among the 
					captives was also the prophet Ezekiel (Ezekiel 1:1, 2; 40:1, 
					comp. 
					Jeremiah 29:1). 
      
					We may as well here relate the sequel of Jehoiachin' s 
					history. For thirty- 
					seven years he lingered in a Babylonian prison. At the end 
					of that period 
					Evil-merodach ("the man of Merodach"), the son and successor 
					of 
					Nebuchadrezzar, showed him favor. Selected from out the 
					other captive 
					kings he was restored to rank, admitted to the royal table 
					as one of the 
					vassals at the court of the Babylonian monarch, and had a 
					regular 
					allowance assigned to him suited to the wants of his family 
					and 
					establishment. This continued till his death, the date of 
					which is uncertain 
					(2 Kings 25:27-30; Jeremiah 52:31, 34). 
					12 
      
					We now rapidly near the close of this history. On his 
					departure from 
					Jerusalem Nebuchadrezzar had, with singular generosity, 
					appointed a king 
					
					
					
					
					
					of the old Davidic lineage. His choice had fallen on 
					Mattaniah ("the gift of 
					Jehovah"), whose name was changed 
					13 into Zedekiah ("the 
					righteousness 
					of Jehovah"). The new king was the uncle of Jehoiachin, 
					being the 
					youngest son of Josiah by the same mother as Jehoahaz (comp. 
					2 Kings 
					23:31). The eleven years of his reign may be summed up in 
					the brief 
					formula which described that of Jehoiakim, as of so many 
					others: "he did 
					the evil in the sight of Jehovah." And significantly the 
					sacred text adds: 
      
					"For because of the anger of Jehovah did it come to pass in 
					Jerusalem 
      and in Judah, until He cast them out from His presence. And 
      Zedekiah rebelled against the King of Babylon" (2 Kings. 24: 20). 
					14
					
      
					The "rebellion" of Zedekiah was the more culpable and 
					aggravated that he 
					had taken a solemn oath of fidelity to Nebuchadrezzar (2 
					Chronicles 36:13; 
					Ezekiel 17:13). The precise circumstances which led up to 
					his attempt at 
					independence cannot be fully ascertained. Still there are 
					sufficient 
					indications to show the progress of what ultimately ended in 
					open revolt. 15 
					The first care of the new king must have been to gather 
					around him 
					counselors and people. As all the most prominent and able 
					men of Judah 
					were in captivity, the task would in any circumstances have 
					been one of 
					extreme difficulty. In the present instance the measures 
					taken seem to have 
					been disastrous. The capital and the Temple were the scene 
					of every 
					idolatry (Ezekiel 8), while the administration of justice 
					would appear to 
					have been of the worst kind (Jeremiah 21:11, 12). It was 
					not long before 
					political intrigues began. Soon ambassadors from Edom, Moab, Ammon, 
					Tyre, and Sidon, appeared at the court of Zedekiah — no 
					doubt to 
					deliberate about a combined movement against Babylonia 
					(Jeremiah 27). 16 
					Perhaps the contemplated rising was connected with troubles 
					which Nebuchadrezzar had at that time to encounter in Elam (comp. 
					Jeremiah 
					49:34-39). 17 But all such hopes were doomed to speedy 
					disappointment. 
					Zedekiah now deemed it prudent to send ambassadors to 
					Babylon to 
					assure his suzerain of his fidelity. The messengers also 
					carried with them 
					letters from Jeremiah to the exiles, who seem to have been 
					in a state of 
					restless expectation, probably due to the plans of Zedekiah 
					(Jeremiah 29:1 
					and follow.). This was in the fourth year of Zedekiah 
					(Jeremiah 28:1). 
					How such hopes were fostered by false prophets appears from 
					Jeremiah 
					28, which records the predictions of one Hananiah, and the 
					Divine 
					punishment which overtook him. The embassy to Babylon seems 
					not to 
					
					
					
					
					
					have appeased the suspicions of Nebuchadrezzar, and Zedekiah 
					had to 
					appear personally in Babylon (Jeremiah 51:59). This closes 
					the first scene 
					in the drama. 
      
					The next scene opens with fresh intrigues — this time 
					chiefly with Egypt 
					(Ezekiel 17:15-18) — probably through the numerous Judaean 
					immigrants 
					to that country (Jeremiah 24:8). Neighboring tribes, were, 
					however, also 
					implicated. Whether Zedekiah now deemed himself sufficiently 
					strong 
					with the help of Egypt, or else it was impossible any longer 
					to conceal the 
					plans of the allies, certain it is that he now openly 
					rebelled (2 Kings 
					24:20). His punishment came quickly. Nebuchadrezzar advanced 
					with his 
					army, and pitched his camp at Riblah — significantly, the 
					same place 
					where Jehoahaz had been cast into bonds by Necho (2 Kings 
					23:33). 
					Riblah remained the headquarters of the Babylonian army, as 
					being a 
					convenient point whence to operate against Palestine and 
					Tyre on the one 
					side, and on the other against Ammon and Moab (Ezekiel 
					21:19, 20, 22, 
					28; 26:1-7). Presently all Judaea was overrun. Indeed, it 
					was entirely 
					defenseless, with the exception of the fortified towns of 
					Lachish, Azekah, 
					and Jerusalem (Jeremiah 34:7). Against Jerusalem itself 
					Nebuchadrezzar 
					and his host now laid siege. This was on the tenth day of 
					the tenth month 
					of the ninth year of Zedekiah (2 Kings 25: 1; Jeremiah 39: 
					1). 
      
					In the city, the greatness of the danger gave rise to what 
					might have seemed 
					feelings of repentance, alternating, however, with opposite 
					tendencies, as 
					amidst the general stupefaction and helplessness one or the 
					other party 
					had the upper hand. In the midst of it all the king seemed 
					as one utterly 
					lost. At first all was energy. The useless houses which the 
					kings and the 
					nobles had reared, were thrown down, and their place and 
					materials used 
					for the defenses of the city (Jeremiah 33:4). It was a vain 
					measure — and 
					these defenses only became the graves of those who held 
					them. Popular 
					measures also were adopted. The king made a covenant with 
					the people, 
					and a solemn proclamation restored freedom to all of Hebrew 
					nationality 
					— men and women — whom previous exactions, violence, and 
					unrighteousness had reduced to, or kept in, slavery 
					(Jeremiah 34:8, 9). The 
					"princes" sulkily submitted. But during the brief time that 
					the Babylonians 
					withdrew to meet the Egyptian army, they not only ignored 
					what had been 
					done, but once more reduced to bondage those who had so 
					lately been set 
					free (Jeremiah 34:10, 11). 
					
					
					
					
      
					As for Zedekiah himself, his conduct was characterized by 
					that helpless 
					perplexity and vacillation, which were the outcome of 
					weakness and want 
					of religious conviction. Deputations were sent to Jeremiah 
					for inquiry of 
					the Lord, and appeal to Him in name of past deliverances 
					(Jeremiah 21:1, 
					2; 37:3). And yet, at the same time, the king imprisoned and 
					maltreated the 
					prophets. All this according as his nobles either opposed or 
					protected 
					Jeremiah. Yet when the prophet clearly set before the king 
					the certain 
					alternative of resistance and captivity, or else surrender 
					and safety 
					(Jeremiah 34:2-6, 38:17,18), Zedekiah could form no 
					decision. Most 
					characteristic of the situation is Jeremiah 38. As we read 
					it, the king first 
					yielded to his princes, who even ventured to charge the 
					prophet with 
					treacherous designs (Jeremiah 37:13), and Jeremiah was cast 
					into a 
					loathsome dungeon. Next, Zedekiah listened to intercessions 
					on the other 
					side, and Jeremiah was at least removed from the 
					subterranean prison, 
					where his feet had sunk in mire, and more humanely treated. 
					Then the king 
					actually sent for him and consulted him. Nay, he not only 
					most solemnly 
					swore to protect him, but seemed willing to follow his 
					advice and 
					surrender to the Chaldeans. But once more fear prevented his 
					taking that 
					step, notwithstanding the assurances of Jeremiah. In the end 
					Zedekiah was 
					even in fear that his nobles should hear of his conference 
					with the prophet, 
					and bade him give a different interpretation to their 
					interview. 
      
					Meantime the siege was continuing, without hope of relief. 
					Tyre suffered 
					straits similar to those of Jerusalem, while Ammon, Moab, 
					Edom, and the 
					Philistines had not only withdrawn from the alliance, but 
					were waiting to 
					share in the spoil of Judah (Ezekiel 25). At length a gleam 
					of hope 
					appeared. An Egyptian army, under their King Hophra, the 
					grandson of 
					Necho, advanced through Phoenicia, and obliged the Chaldeans 
					to raise the 
					siege of Jerusalem (Jeremiah 37:5-7). The exultation and 
					reaction in 
					Jerusalem may be imagined — and it was probably in 
					consequence of it 
					that Jeremiah, who still predicted calamity, was cast into 
					prison (ib. ver. 
					4). But the relief of Jerusalem was brief. The Egyptian army 
					had to retire, 
					and the siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans was resumed, and 
					that under 
					even more disadvantageous circumstances to the besieged. To 
					the other 
					calamities that of famine was now added (2 Kings 25:3). Of 
					the horrors of 
					that time Jeremiah has left a record in the Book of 
					Lamentations (comp. i 
					19; ii. 11, 12, 20; iv. 3-10). The last resistance was soon 
					overcome. On the 
					
					
					
					
					
					ninth day of the fourth month [Tammuz], in the eleventh year 
					of 
					Zedekiah, the enemy gained possession of the northern suburb 
					(2 Kings 
					25:4; Jeremiah 39:2, 3; 52:6, 7). Before the middle gate the 
					Babylonian 
					captains held a council of war (Jeremiah 39:2, 3). Then the 
					king and all the 
					regular army sought safety in flight during the darkness of 
					the night 
					(Jeremiah 39:4). As the Chaldeans held the northern part of 
					the city, they 
					fled southwards. Between the two walls, through the 
					Tyropoeon, then out 
					of the "fountain-gate," and through the king's garden, they 
					made haste to 
					gain the Jordan. But their flight could not remain 
					unobserved. They were 
					pursued and overtaken in the plains of Jericho. The soldiers 
					dispersed in 
					various directions. But the king himself and his household 
					were taken 
					captives, and carried to the headquarters at Riblah, where 
					Nebuchadrezzar 
					himself was at the time. Here Zedekiah was formally 
					arraigned and 
					sentence given against him. His daughters were set free, but 
					his sons were 
					slain before him. It was the last sight the king saw. His 
					eyes were put 
					out; 18 he was bound hands and feet with double fetters of 
					brass, and so 
					carried to Babylon. (Compare 2 Kings 25:4-7; Jeremiah 4-7; 
					43:6; Ezekiel 
					12:12, 13.) There he died in ward 19 (Jeremiah 52:11). 
      
					The remainder of this mournful tale is soon told. After the 
					flight and 
					capture of the king, the city could not long hold out. A 
					month later, 20 and 
					on the seventh day of the fifth month (Ab) Nebuzar-adan 
					["Nebo gave 
					posterity"] penetrated into the city. The Temple was set on 
					fire, as well as 
					the king's palace. The whole city was reduced to ruins and 
					ashes, and the 
					walls which had defended it were broken down (2 Kings 25:9, 
					10). After 
					three days the work of destruction was completed; and ever 
					afterwards 
					was the 10th (9th) of Ab mourned as the fatal day of 
					Jerusalem's fall 21 
					(Jeremiah 52:12; Zechariah 7:3, 5; 8:19). "The rest of the 
					people left in the 
					city," and those who had previously passed to the enemy, 
					together "with 
					the remnant of the multitude," were carried away (2 Kings 
					25:11). We can 
					scarcely be mistaken in regarding these captives as the 
					chief part of the 
					non-combatant population of Jerusalem and Judah. 
      
					The capture of Jerusalem found Jeremiah in prison for his 
					faithfulness in 
					announcing the coming ruin, and for warning his people of 
					their impending 
					fate. But the same faith and faithfulness led him there to 
					yet loftier display 
					of the prophetic character than even when bearing steadfast 
					testimony 
					amidst gainsaying, persecution, and suffering. In that 
					prison, and in full 
					
					
					
					
					
					view of the impending desolation, he announced, with the 
					same firm faith 
					as formerly the judgments upon Israel, not only the terrible 
					doom that 
					would overtake Babylon (Jeremiah 51:1), but also the certain 
					restoration of 
					Israel. And in sublime confidence of this event, he bought 
					while in prison 
					
					— in this also obedient to the Divine direction — fields in 
					Anathoth, as it 
					were in anticipation of the return of his people to their 
					own land (Jeremiah 
					32:6-23). And beyond this did his rapt vision descry a 
					better and spiritual 
					restoration of Israel (Jeremiah 32:37-44). Assuredly, 
					viewing the Prophet 
					in the surroundings of his time and circumstances, it is not 
					easy to 
					understand how any one can fail to perceive either the 
					sublime dignity of 
					the prophetic office, or the Divine character of prophecy.
					
      
					But the end has not yet been fully told. All of any value in 
					the Temple 
					that could be removed, either whole or when broken up, was 
					taken to 
					Babylon. As already stated, the general population of 
					Jerusalem and of 
					Judah were carried into captivity. Only the poorest in the 
					land were left to 
					be husbandmen and vine-dressers, so as not to leave the soil 
					uncultivated 
					
					— probably in expectation of a future colonization from 
					Babylonia. 
					Lastly, signal punishment was dealt out to those who were 
					regarded as 
					ringleaders or as representative persons during the late 
					rebellion. 
					"Seraiah, 22 the chief priest" (high priest), "Zephaniah,
					23 
					the second priest" 
					(probably the substitute of the high priest), "and the three 
					keepers of the 
					door" — that is, the chiefs of the Levites who kept watch at 
					the three 
					Temple gates (Jeremiah 38:14), were brought before the court 
					which sat at Riblah, and executed. The same punishment as that of the 
					Temple officials 
					was meted out to the royal officers in the city — the 
					chamberlain who had 
					charge of the troops, 24 five of the king's councilors, and 
					the secretary of 
					the general of the army. With these were executed sixty of 
					the people of 
					the land, either as prominent in the late rebellion, or as 
					representing the 
					people generally. 
      
					The civil administration of the country was entrusted by 
					Nebuchadrezzar 
					to Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam. The latter had held a high 
					position in the 
					reign of Josiah (2 Kings 22:12), and was even more 
					distinguished for the 
					piety and courage which saved the life of Jeremiah in the 
					time of Jehoiakim 
					(Jeremiah 26:24). The same adherence to the prophetic Word 
					had induced 
					Gedaliah to support the unpopular advice of submission to
					
					Nebuchadrezzar. Information of all that passed in the city 
					would no doubt 
					
					
					
					
					
					reach the camp of the Chaldeans, and it would be in 
					consequence of what 
					he had heard that Nebuchadrezzar appointed Gedaliah to his 
					post. It was 
					also this, as well as respect for the prophet and his 
					office, which must 
					have induced the king to give such charge about Jeremiah to 
					Nebuzar-adan, 
					his chief captain (Jeremiah 39:11-14; 40:1-4). The prophet 
					was apparently 
					set at liberty, but afterwards, by some mistake, carried 
					with the other 
					captives in chains to Ramah. Here the error was discovered, 
					and Nebuzar- 
					adan gave the prophet the choice of either going to Babylon, 
					where all 
					honorable provision should be made for him, or of settling 
					in any part of 
					the country. With true patriotic feeling, as well as in 
					accordance with his 
					prophetic work, Jeremiah chose to remain with the new Jewish 
					governor, 
					in order to support his authority, and to guide by his 
					counsel the remnant 
					of the people. But even this proved a thankless and a 
					hopeless task. 
      
					Gedaliah had taken up his residence in the ancient historic 
					Mizpah. 
					Thither all that was left of Judah's representative men 
					gathered, as also the 
					wives, daughters, and children of the slain and the 
					captives. Thither also 
					came the fugitives who had sought safety in neighboring 
					lands, as well as 
					the remnants of the dispersed Jewish army. A court was being 
					formed, and 
					the governor was surrounded by a Chaldean and Jewish guard 
					(Jeremiah 
					40:6-end; 41:3; 43:6). It even seems as if a kind of 
					sanctuary had been set 
					up (Jeremiah 41:5). For a brief time it appeared as if not 
					only peace but a 
					measure of prosperity were to be vouchsafed to the remnant 
					of Judah. But 
					once more all such hopes were disappointed. The rule of 
					Gedaliah lasted 
					only two months. 
      
					Chief among them who had come to him was Ishmael, the son of
					
					Nathaniah, himself of the seed royal. Partly in the hope of 
					possessing 
					himself of the government, to which his descent might lead 
					him to aspire, 
					and partly at the instigation of Baalis, the king of the 
					Ammonites — who 
					no doubt had purposes of his own in the matter — Ishmael put 
					himself at 
					the head of a gang of conspirators (comp. 2 Kings 25:25; 
					Jeremiah 40:8- 
					16). In vain the generous Gedaliah was warned of his danger. 
					Incapable of 
					treachery himself, he would not believe in that of others, 
					nor sanction 
					measures of needful self-defense. Accordingly the plan of 
					the conspirators 
					was carried out. Gedaliah and all who were around him were 
					massacred, 
					and their dead bodies cast into the pit which, long before, 
					Asa the king had 
					
					
					
					
					
					made, for fear of Baasha, king of Israel (Jeremiah 41:1-9). 
					Only ten men 
					escaped slaughter by promises of rich supplies to the 
					conspirators. 
      
					But even so the measure was not full. After his bloody 
					success at Mizpah, 
					Ishmael had carried away captive not only the women, but all 
					the people, 
					with the intention of passing over to the Ammonites. But 
					when tidings of 
					the crimes perpetrated reached Johanan, the son of Kareah, 
					and the 
					captains of the forces in the fields, who had formerly in 
					vain warned 
					Gedaliah of his danger (Jeremiah 40:13-16), they mustered to 
					avenge the 
					wrong. They pursued and overtook Ishmael at Gibeon. The 
					captive Jews 
					now made common cause with their deliverers, and Ishmael 
					escaped with 
					only eight followers into Ammon. But the faith of Johanan 
					and his 
					companions was not equal to the occasion. Afraid that the 
					Chaldeans 
					would avenge on them the treachery and slaughter at Mizpah, 
					they drew 
					off towards Egypt. With hypocritical pretense of a desire 
					that Jehovah 
					might through His prophet show them whither to go and what 
					to do, they 
					approached the prophet. Jeremiah was to inquire of the Lord 
					— and they 
					gave solemn promise implicitly to obey the voice of Jehovah. 
					Yet all the 
					time they had resolved to retire into Egypt. And so Jeremiah 
					told them 
					when he brought them the twofold message from his God, that 
					they might 
					dismiss all fear of the Chaldeans if they remained in the 
					land; but that if 
					they sought safety in Egypt, the sword of the conqueror, who 
					would smite 
					down their protector, should surely overtake them. 
      
					The warning was in vain. The message of Jeremiah was 
					represented as 
					only the outcome of his own and of Baruch's personal 
					resentment; and the 
					leaders of Judah carried the feeble remnant to Tahpanhes in 
					Egypt — there 
					yet again to hear the voice of the aged prophet, announcing 
					the coming 
					judgment on the country, where, in their unbelief and 
					hard-heartedness, 
					they had sought shelter (comp. Jeremiah 42 and 43). 
      
					So the last remnant of Judah had gone from the land. The 
					Davidic rule had 
					passed away, so far as merely earthly power was concerned. 
					The Davidic 
					kingdom to come would be wider, higher, deeper. It would 
					embrace the 
					brotherhood of man; it would reach up to heaven; it would 
					root in 
					righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost. 
      
					But over all the land would be desolateness and stillness. 
					Yet was it a 
					"stillness unto God." The land was keeping long-neglected 
					silent Sabbath 
					
					
					
					
					
					unto God' ten times, "to fulfill three-score and ten years." 
					25 It was just 
					about seventy years 26 after the battle of Carchemish, which 
					really decided 
					the fate of Palestine and its subjection to Babylon, that, 
					like the priests' 
					silver trumpets at morn in the Temple, the voice of Cyrus 
					announced the 
					dawn of morning after the long night of exile, and summoned 
					the wanderers 
					from all lands to the threshold of their sanctuary (2 
					Chronicles 36:21-23). 
      
					Again is the land keeping Sabbath. And again is it 
					"stillness unto God," till 
					His Voice shall waken land and people, Whose are land and 
					people, 
					dominion and peace: till He shall come Who is alike the goal 
					and the 
					fulfillment of all past history and prophecy "a light to 
					lighten the Gentiles, 
					and the glory of Thy people Israel." 
					       |