By Lester Bradner, Jr., Ph.D., Berlin.
Taken from THE BIBLICAL WORLD, Volume 1, Issue 6.
Students of the synoptic problem
are familiar with the fact that the theory proposed by
Weisse in 1838, that an
extra-canonical writing, the
“Logia” of the apostle Matthew
mentioned by Papias, and the
Gospel of Mark are the sources
of the other two gospels, has
been gradually gaining ground
until it is now acknowledged
with slight variations by nearly
all the foremost New Testament
scholars. The attainment of
unity of opinion, however, on
this one point leaves several
important questions still to be
discussed.1
As respects the relation of
these two sources the view of Bernhard Weiss that Mark’s
Gospel is a secondary written
source based upon the Logia as primary,
seems to be gaining ground. As concerns date, Weiss puts
this, " The oldest gospel,”
between 64 and 66 A. D.2 If it should be
established by later research that the writing was know to
Paul, and that references to it
are found in his epistles, as
Marshall and Resch promise to
show, then of course the terminal date
of the original must be set perhaps a decade earlier. But that
it should have been written much earlier than this latter date is
quite unlikely. With reference
to its extent there is not as
yet perfect unanimity. Weiss
maintains that the discourses of the
Logia were not thrown together without definite order, or in
such extensive combinations as
we find in Matthew, but were fitted
into a brief historical
framework, not strictly chronological and
yet, sufficient to indicate to
the reader or hearer under what
circumstances the words were spoken. And farther, the
arrangement and sequence of
material seem to have been controlled
by a desire to follow somewhat the historical course of Jesus’
ministry, beginning with an
introduction concerning the preaching
of John the Baptist. Then, touching on Jesus’ baptism and
temptation, it gave at some
length the Sermon on the Mount. Then
through a series of accounts of both miracles and discourses,
it proceeds as far as the
sayings concerning the second coming,
and closes, according to Weiss, with the account of the
anointing in Bethany, the
prophecy, on this occasion, of Jesus’ death
supplying in a meagre way the
place of the story of the Passion.
Nevertheless, the possibility
that the close of Christ’s career was
narrated is not excluded.3
Wendt, in his attempt at a
reconstruction of the Logia, in
the first volume of his Lehre Jesu, dissents from
quite such an extensive view of the contents of the Logia, and
confines himself more to passages which have no verbal
parallels in Mark.4 On the other hand he considers the whole of
Luke’s long insertion 9:
51-18:14 as drawn from the Logia, whereas
Weiss would reserve portions of it not paralleled by Matthew
for the third Luke source. Marshall would include in the
Logia several paragraphs additional to those assigned to it
by Weiss. Resch supports these
additions, and would include
still other material from extra-canonical sources.
It being possible, therefore, by
a close critical method to determine within certain limits
the probable extent of this
earliest document, the question what
language the writer used becomes of interest. And on this
point have centered the investigations of two of the
most recent writers, Resch5
and Marshall.6
In times past this question has
not seemed of very great
difficulty or even importance.
Those who believed in such a
source at all were mostly
content to accept the testimony
of Papias that it was written
Ἐβραΐδι διαλέκτῳ “in the Hebrew dialect,” and many thought that in
the translations of that
original made by each evangelist himself,
lay the key to the variations of the synoptics in common
passages. According to the
latest results these men seem in the
main to have followed the right track, only failing to note one
or two critical steps which are essential to an exact
conclusion. In the first place it
should be clear from the correspondences
in the Greek text of our synoptics that a first-hand
translation by the evangelists
themselves is out of the question unless in
Mark’s case alone. The common document which lay in their
hands for incorporation into a
new gospel was not Hebrew but Greek.
Otherwise we could not find passages agreeing so exactly in
words and the order of words, even down to minute particles.
Secondly, just what is meant by Papias’s expression,
“in the
Hebrew dialect.” For besides the true Hebrew, the Aramaic, which
was closely allied and the general speech of the people in the
time of Christ, also frequently goes under the name of Hebrew,
by virtue of an inexact use of the term. To be sure, the
knowledge of the original
language is not so important a question
as the extent of the document when we consider that our
evangelists worked from
translations; nevertheless it has relative
significance from the fact that
a determination of the original,
and therewith the possible variations of translation, would
confine within narrower and
clearer limits the departures of the
several evangelists from the
original text; thus enabling us to
classify more closely their
modifications. At the same time, our interest
in a more exact knowledge of the teaching and theology of the
earliest church requires us to recover, if possible, the
original language in which the
fountain head of the triple synoptic
stream first flowed from the
apostle’s pen.
The above mentioned scholars,
Marshall in England, and Resch in Germany, pursued their
labors for the settlement of this question separately and
independently until they had
reached the final conclusion: Marshall,
that Aramaic was the original language; Resch, that it was
Hebrew proper. That opposite results have been obtained does
not invalidate the process so much as it might seem, owing to
the affinities of the two languages, and the interest lies in
the similar methods used by the two men, and the possibility of
their producing reliable
results. Of Marshall’s work I shall not
attempt to speak in detail as it is accessible to English readers
in the volumes of The Expositor (1890-1892), and on this account
I should like to give a somewhat fuller survey of Resch’s
researches, and the more since
his must be regarded as more
comprehensive, and in this way
more valuable than Marshall’s.
The work in which Resch first
called attention to his results was issued in 1889 under the
title "Agrapha, Extra-canonical Gospel-Fragments.”7 It is a very
complete collection, comparison, and discussion of all those
quotations of the sayings of Christ
(Herrenworte) which
have no place in our canonical
gospels, but are found either in
the other New Testament
writings, or in apocryphal books, ancient
liturgies or the patristic
works. This work is intended to serve
as an introductory textual study for the support of the
hypothesis first stated there,
but carried out more fully in his more
recent book, that the original
gospel was written in Hebrew; that the
different translations of this original furnish a key to many
of the variations of our synoptical gospels; that in extent it
included all of these
extra-canonical gospel fragments
which may be proved genuine, and
that in character it was a
gospel of the type almost
completely deleted by the
subsequent process of
canonization, and whose sole
remaining representative (and
this perhaps only partial) is
the peculiar Codex Cantabrigiensis
or Bezae (Codex D). This first publication has already been
noticed in Sanday’s articles in
The Expositor already referred to,
so that I shall confine myself
to the second, a smaller volume of
16o
pages, bearing the general title “Extra-canonical Parallel-Texts
to the Gospels.” But this title belongs to the whole of a larger
work of which the present part is only the “Critical Basis as
to Texts and Sources,” and to be followed by treatments of the
Gospels of the Infancy, the
Gospel of John, the three synoptics and
Acts. The whole is then to be succeeded by a work on the
“Parallels of the canonical
gospels.” This program of an investigation
so comprehensive and yet so compact, involving many years of
critical work, ought to be welcomed by every lover of New
Testament scholarship, and the results, whatever position
may be taken as to their main drift, cannot fail to be an
important addition to the
history and equipment of gospel criticism.
The particular part of this plan
now under discussion treats in its first few chapters of the
Canon. Its formation is shown to
be the work and the necessary and
rightful work of the church. Three epochs of Canon criticism
are distinguished: a) the time
of its formation; b) the age of the
Reformation; c) the present historical effort to determine the
exact process of canonization,
and to reach behind it to pre-canonical writings. As to the
Canon of the gospels, three epochs are
again noted: a) collection of the traditional gospels into a
quadruple gospel canon; b) this gospel canon attains sole
authority in the church; c) the
fixing and final purification of the
text of the canonical gospels.
The date, 140 A. D., is regarded as
the latest possible for the
termination of the first step. The
second cannot have taken place before Irenaeus’s time, nor
after Origen’s. In the third
epoch three steps can be traced:
a)
the recension which produces the archetype of the Codex Bezae,
the Syrian text of Cureton, and the old Latin versions, as well
as a part of the oriental (1st
half
of the 2d Cent.); b) the work
of Origen; and c) the final
fixing of the text at the closing of
the canon. Chapter or paragraph
3 discusses canonical and
extra-canonical texts, showing
the need of investigation of the latter
as the occasion for the present
and preceding volumes, and the
following chapter groups
together the sources whence a collection
of these texts which have escaped the conforming zeal of
the recensors may be gathered. They are in brief: (1) The Greek
Codex Bezx; (2) The old Latin versions; (3) The old
oriental, especially Syriac versions; (4) Tatian’s
Diatessaron; (5) The patristic
quotations from the gospels; (6) The New
Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha; (7) The
Liturgies of the primitive
church.8 The question of what is to be
regarded as the final source of
a collection of extra-canonical
texts so rich and extensive yet retaining withal so close a
connection with the text of the synoptics, forms a transition to
the consideration, in chaps.
5-8, of the pre-canonical gospel. As to
critical principles with regard
to the synoptic problem, the author
upholds the position of Professor Weiss, whom he considers the
surest guide in this territory despite the more recent work of
Wendt, Ewald, Feine and Mandel. Bousset9 he thinks, has
made some advances upon Weiss by using the extra-canonical
texts as well in his
investigations. Resch’s statement of his
principles is then as follows: (1)
The priority of Mark. (2) The
existence of a pre-canonical
source. (3) The “two-source” theory (for
Matthew and Luke ).10 (4) The secondary character of the
first canonical gospel, (5) and of the third, (6) as well as the
second. (7) Various translations of the pre-canonical gospel. (8)
The very early use of this gospel (reaching back to Paul).
(9) Its later influence (upon
patristic quotations and readings
in the gospels such as the Codex Bezx contains). A number of
analogies for redactional processes are then pointed out,
such as the Apostolical Constitutions, the Clementine Homilies
and Recognitions, and the Sybilline Oracles, as well as the
Acta Pilati and examples in the
Old Testament. Thus fortified as to
the justification of his method, the writer enumerates the
sources which are to furnish the
contents of this pre-canonical
gospel. They are: (1) All
parallels between Luke and Matthew where
Mark is lacking. (2) The discourse material (including
parables) which Matthew alone furnishes. (3) That of the same
category peculiar to Luke. (4) Many passages of narrative
and discourse common to all three (especially those
designated by Weiss). (5) A
number of genuine “Agrapha.” (6)
Parallels in other New Testament books to the synoptic texts. As
subsidiary indications come in:
(7) All texts pointing by their
Hebraisms to a Hebrew original.
(8) Such varying expressions of
the synoptics as can be shown to be different translations of
a common Hebrew original. (9) Variant readings of like
character in the Codex Bezae.
The only departure shown in this
list from the position taken by Weiss is the addition of
material from extra-canonical
sources and from other parts of the New
Testament. The latter is a point of much importance since
it involves the acquaintance of Paul with this first written
gospel and his use of quotations
from it, as well as quotations in the
other epistles and the
Apocalypse. Resch supports the hypothesis by
exhibiting parallel quotations between the epistles and
synoptic gospels as follows:
Romans and I Corinthians, ten each; 2
Corinthians, two; Galatians,
four; Ephesians and Philippians, five
each; Colossians, one; 1 Thessalonians, five;
1 Timothy,
three; 2 Timothy, two; 1 Peter
and James, three each; and
Apocalypse, nine; making in all
sixty- two cases of parallel
texts.11 Chapter 7 takes up the
discussion as to the language of
this original gospel. Having already
(Agrapha § 6.) stated and supported the belief that this was
the Biblical Hebrew, the author advances a few additional points
in favor of that position. He maintains that a literary use of
the Hebrew was still kept up in apostolic times in Palestine,
alongside the Aramaic and Greek spoken by the common people, and
therefore it was possible that the author of the earliest
gospel should have chosen any
one of the three. The actual choice
would depend somewhat on his purpose. A point of considerable
weight is the following: “If In chapter 8, the author takes a
farther step and proceeds to deal with the Greek translations
of this original Hebrew gospel.
Recurring to the various
versions of the Old Testament,
he notes some general characteristics
which mark different styles of
translation: e.g. the careful literal
tendency, the freer and yet
faithful reproduction of an original, and
the loose paraphrasing style. He then asks whether any such
varying types can be discovered in the translations used by our
evangelists, and what evidence remains of various translations.
The answer is found in the comparison of our synoptical
gospels with each other and with extra-canonical parallels. Mark,
as the first redactor of our original gospel, may be regarded
as pursuing a paraphrastic and eclectic method. He is, in
truth, the interpreter (ἐρμηνεύτης),
and his gospel is a sort of Targum
on the primitive work. Consequently his type of translation
is the least reliable source for
a reconstruction of the Logia
text. It is even possible that
we have traces of his use of two
different translations, which
Marshall thinks may explain his
pleonasms, but no stress is laid
on this point. Quite a different
character belongs to the version used by our first evangelist,’
in that it is so strongly marked
by Hebraisms. That he was well
versed in Hebrew, there is no doubt, and we might imagine that
he had made his own translation except that the Hebraisms
seem to point to an older
version than the type used by Paul and
Luke. These three types are then displayed by several tables
showing the various renderings
of the same Hebrew word, while
another table of some length
collates the resemblances between the
Lucanian type and the parallels
in the Pauline epistles. Luke,
then, owing to his similarities
in some cases and his divergencies
in others with respect to Matthew’s reproduction of the
Logia, is credited with the use
of two different types of translations,
one of which is the Pauline-Lucanian and the other the
Matthaean. It is not, however, strictly necessary that these
variant types should each have covered the whole extent of the
Logia.
The author now enters the field
of extra-canonical parallels, and shows by a number of tables
that the same variety of translation of a common Hebrew word
exists among them as in the gospels. In the course of this
investigation, Resch discovers a surprising resemblance between
the changes made in the evident
recension of the Gospel of Luke
in the Codex Bezx, and the Matthaean type of
Logia-translation which leads
him to regard it as trustworthy testimony to a
type of translation independent of and yet closely related to
the Matthaean. A second point
of importance is the establishment
of still another type called the Alexandrian. This is maintained
on the ground of the uniform predominance of certain
extra-canonical readings in
Clement of Alexandria, and his
followers, Origen and Macarius,
as well as in Alexandrian gospel-fragments,
the Egyptian gospel and the Faijum
fragment. Especially to be noted
here is the fact that among
these variants are to found such
as could only have arisen from a
conscious translation of the
Hebrew text, as for example,
Matt. 18:3, where for στρέφεσθαι
καὶ γίνεσθαι a harsh literal
translation of the Hebrew idiom
shudh
wehaya [h], Clement reads
αὖθις γίνεσθαι. The survey closes
with the hope that more work will be spent in noting
Hebraisms in the various Greek
versions, and in the endeavor to
reconstruct the pre-canonical
gospel by translations of its probable
contents back into Hebrew.
On the whole, among the various
topics treated, four appear to be of leading importance,
namely: the value of the family
of “Western Texts,” the use made of
canonical and extra-canonical parallel texts, the language of
the original gospel, and its
translations with their types. A
judgment in the matter of New
Testament texts will not be
ventured upon by the present
reviewer. The opinion even of such eminent
critics as Westcott and Hort seems somewhat divided. Some of
the Western readings they hesitate to reject, a few are
considered superior to
non-Western readings, but the general
criticism is made that the
Western text is on the whole less pure and
trustworthy. Its characteristics are said to be a love of
paraphrase, assimilation of
clauses for the purpose of harmonizing, and its
readiness to adopt alterations
or additions from extraneous
sources (Cf. Westcott and Hort,
Greek Test.) If Resch can point out a
trustworthy origin for these variations by means of the
different translations of a
common Hebrew text, it would certainly
relieve this family of texts
from much unjust criticism; and it
would perhaps be an advantage to think that the less pleasing
elements of an old text had been
subsequently pruned out, than
that they had been introduced arbitrarily into a text
originally pure. At least it may
be said that Resch is not entirely alone
in his position as regards the the value of these texts, while
Westcott and Hort probably hold to the more conservative side.
To fail to make use of the
extra-canonical as well as
canonical parallels to synoptic passages
would certainly be a mistake,
and even if all of Resch’s
conclusions on this matter
cannot be made good, he has rendered a great
service in the collection of the material, and in showing at
least the possible limits of its
application. And yet there is always
the danger of becoming mechanical in the effort to
prove too much, and of losing
sight, as Sanday notes in his criticism
of Resch’s previous work, of the latitude which must be granted
to each evangelist for his individuality of style, and for the
use of synonyms. And this must be especially true of an age
when the letter of the sacred
text was of much less importance than
its meaning. Not that this excludes the possibility or
probability of such a theory as
Resch advances, but that it must
render its application at times
precarious. Sanday remarks (in the
article in The Expositor
previously referred to) that there are
always two unprovable steps with
respect to parallel texts in the
epistles: a) that they come from a written gospel, and
b) that
this gospel was the Logia. The first objection may perhaps be
set aside in case the parallel
in the language is sufficiently
close, and the second can be
controlled somewhat through the
analysis itself of the synoptics which constructs the extent Of
the source. But it is certainly a question deserving
consideration how far we may
rightly extend the compass of this
original gospel. Resch’s
tendency would be to make it include the
greatest possible amount, especially when it comes to the
identification with it of all
the genuine Agrapha. On the other hand,
the additional material secured by each of the two later
synoptics and the claim of the third evangelist that he was
superseding both in exactness
and extent, a number of existing
works on the life of Christ
should make us wary of pressing too
much material upon this earliest source, and failing to allow
that oral tradition may have
carried
down many sayings of Jesus which
the evangelists have not included in their accounts.
The original language of the
Logia is a point to be settled by experts in Semitic dialects,
and by a patient testing of the relative applicability of each
language to the various points
of the problem. We are, I think, to
assume that neither Resch nor Marshall has offered the whole
of his evidence. And while one may be inclined to prefer the
completeness and apparent harmony of Resch’s results to the
occasional “tours de force” and necessary supposition of textual
corruption which belong to Marshall’s hypothesis, a premature
judgment would be unfair. The matter must be appealed, as
Marshall himself says, to the
general consensus of scholarly opinion.
Finally, as to various types of translation, if the theory can
be sustained without infringing
too largely upon the individualities
of the various writers, it would have the advantage of relieving
us from many arbitrary and complicated theories of redaction,
while the attainment of an
approximate original would prove a
great advance in securing an
accurate historical and literary
knowledge of the earliest
written record of Christianity. No one who is
conversant with the matter will hesitate to admit the presence
of the problem and its
importance, and it is to be hoped that
American scholars will not leave
the list of contestants for the
prize of its solution to be so
completely filled out by German and English
names as it has been in the past. |
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1) The reader who desires to pursue the subject further may be referred to the New Testament Introductions of Weiss and Holtzmann, the article “Gospels” by Abbott in the Encyclopedia Britannica, the interesting discussion on The Present State of the Synoptic Problem by Sanday in The Expositor for 1891, the nearly contemporary articles by Marshall in the same magazine, and a German work just published by Alfred Resch, spoken of later in this article. Mention should also be made of Bruce’s Kingdom of God, Wendt’s Lehre Jesu, and Johann Weiss’s Das Reich Gottes. 2) Sanday agrees substantially with Weiss, and thinks that the Logia could hardly have been written before 63-68 A. D.
3) Weiss remarks as to the
probable extension of the source
beyond the limits that can be distinctly proved:
“A
source which contained the words
of the Baptist, the baptism and temptation of Jesus,
must necessarily have had a sort
of introduction; and the last piece that can be
proved to belong to it, the
account of the anointing, points by its very prophecy of
the death of Jesus, immediately
to follow, to a conclusion of his history.” 1
should be inclined to suggest
the extent of the Gospel of Mark as a good criterion for the
probable historical compass of
the Logia account.
4) The Logia included, according
to Wendt, the original of Luke
3:7-9, 16 f; 4:16- 30; 5:39; 6:20-49; 7:2-10,
18-50; 8:1-3; 9:51—18:14;
19:1-27. 37-44; 20:18; 21:34-36; 22:14-17, 26-32,
35-38, with their parallel
passages in Matt.: and also the following, peculiar to Matt.:
5:14; 7:6; 9:27-30; 12:5-7;
13:24-30, 47-50, 52; 16:17 f; 17:24-27; 18:19 f;
19:10-12; 20:1-16; 23:1-12;
25:36-41.
5) Aussercanonische Paralleltexte
zu den Evangelien; textkritische
und quellen-kritische Grundlegungen,
Leipzig, 1893.
6) Articles in
The Expositor,
1890-1892. 7) Numbered v. 4. in the series of Texte und Untersuchungen, edited by Gebhardt and Hamack, in which Resch’s new work appears as X. i. 8) The first four of these sources are shown to have a peculiar relationship between themselves as all pointing back to an archetype dating not later than 140, and exhibiting a variety of the pre-canonical text whose best extant representative is the Codex Bezae. The views of J. Rendel Harris as to the “Western text” are discussed but not upheld, Resch strongly preferring Credner’s positions. 9) Die Evangeliencitate Justin des Märtyrers in ihrem Werthe für die Evangelienkritik. 10) It seems as if Professor Stanton (cf. Expositor, March 1893,) were justified in his objection to the use of this name as characterizing the Weiss theory. The solution as applied to the whole synoptic question would more correctly be termed a “one-source,” or an “Urevangelium” (primitive gospel) theory. Strictly taken, two sources are to be assumed only for Matthew, since Mark has but one, the Logia, and Luke is acknowledged by Weiss himself to have three. 11) I select a few of the more striking instances:
12) Marshall, in his criticism of the present work (Critical Review, Jan., 1893, p. 73) says in reply, that he is not prepared to accept the high authority that Resch claims for the Codex Bezse and the Western Text, and as for the variant readings in the fathers, they do not furnish sufficient proof of a Hebrew original. Then, in regard to text corruption, it is quite as possible for an Aramaic text under the conditions of the time as for the ancient Hebrew MSS. Moreover, Resch has not proved the superiority of the translation back into Hebrew, as against the Aramaic. And finally, Marshall prefers an independent position on the synoptic problem and thinks he cannot be condemned for not adhering in every case to the results of Weiss. |