ST. JOHN’S GOSPEL HISTORICAL, NOT IDEOLOGICAL
- 1Jo 1:1
OUR argument so far has been that St. John’s Gospel is dominated by
a central idea and by a theory which harmonises the great and
many sided life which it contains, and which is repeated again at the
beginning of the Epistle in a form analogous to that in which it had
been cast in the prooemium of the Gospel—allowing for the difference
between a history and a document of a more subjective character
moulded upon that history. There is one objection to the accuracy, almost to the veracity, of a
life written from such a theory or point of view. It may disdain to
be shackled by the bondage of facts. It may become an essay in which
possibilities and speculations are mistaken for actual events, and
history is superseded by metaphysics. It may degenerate into a
romance prose-poem; if the subject is religious, into or mystic
effusion. In the case of the fourth Gospel the cycles in which the
narrative moves, the unveiling as of the progress of a drama, are
thought by some to confirm the suspicion awakened by the point of
view given in its prooemium, and in the opening of the Epistle. The
Gospel, it is said, is ideological. To us it appears that those who
have entered most deeply into the spirit of St. John will most
deeply
feel the significance of the two words which we place at the head of
this discourse—"which we have heard," "which we have seen with our
very
eyes" (which we contemplated with entranced gaze), "which our hands
have handled." More truly than any other, St. John could say of this letter in the
words of an American poet: "This is not a book—It is I!" In one so true, so simple, so profound, so oracular, there is a
special reason for this prolonged appeal to the senses, for the
place
which is assigned to each. In the fact that hearing stands first,
there is a reference to one characteristic of that Gospel to which
the Epistle throughout refers. Beyond the synoptical Evangelists,
St.
John records the words of Jesus. The position which hearing holds in
the sentence, above and prior to sight and handling, indicates the
reverential estimation in which the Apostle held his Master’s
teaching. The expression places us on solid historical ground,
because it is a moral demonstration that one like St. John would not
have dared to invent whole discourses and place them in the lips of
Jesus. Thus in the "we have heard" there is a guarantee of the
sincerity of the report of the discourses, which forms so large a
proportion of the narrative that it practically guarantees the whole
Gospel. On this accusation of ideology against St. John’s Gospel, let us
make
a further remark founded upon the Epistle. It is said that the Gospel systematically subordinates chronological
order and historical sequence of facts to the necessity imposed by
the theory of the Word which stands in the forefront of the Epistle
and Gospel. But mystic ideology, indifference to historical veracity as compared
with adherence to a conception or theory, is absolutely inconsistent
with that strong, simple, severe appeal to the validity of the
historical principle of belief upon sufficient evidence which
pervades St. John’s writings. His Gospel is a tissue woven of many
lines of evidence. "Witness" stands in almost every page of that
Gospel, and indeed is found there nearly as often as in the whole of
the rest of the New Testament. The word occurs ten times in five
short verses of the Epistle. {1Jo 5:6-12} There is no
possibility of mistaking this prolixity of reiteration in a writer
so
simple and so sincere as our Apostle. The theologian is a historian.
He has no intention of sacrificing history to dogma, and no
necessity
for doing so. His theory, and that alone, harmonises his facts. His
facts have passed in the domain of human history, and have had that
evidence of witness which proves that they did so. A few of the stories of the earliest ages of Christianity have ever
been repeated, and rightly so, as affording the most beautiful
illustrations of St. John’s character, the most simple and truthful
idea of the impression left by his character and his work. His
tender
love for souls, his deathless desire to promote mutual love among
his
people, are enshrined in two anecdotes which the Church has never
forgotten. It has scarcely been noticed that a tradition of not much
later date (at least as old as Tertullian, born A.D. 90) credits St.
John with a stern reverence for the accuracy of historical truth,
and
tells us what, in the estimation of those who were near him in time,
the Apostle thought of the lawfulness of ideological religious
romance. It was said that a presbyter of Asia Minor confessed that
he
was the author of certain apocryphal Acts of Paul and
Thecla—probably the same strange but unquestionably very ancient
document with the same title which is still preserved. The man’s
motive does not seem to have been selfish. His work was apparently
the composition of an ardent and romantic nature passionately
attracted by a saint so wonderful as St. Paul. The tradition went on
to assert that St. John without hesitation degraded this clerical
romance writer from his ministry. But the offence of the Asiatic
presbyter would have been light indeed compared with that of the
mendacious Evangelist, who could have deliberately fabricated
discourses and narrated miracles which he dared to attribute to the
Incarnate Son of God. The guilt of publishing to the Church
apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla would have paled before the
crimson sin of forging a Gospel. These considerations upon St. John’s prolonged and circumstantial
claim to personal acquaintance with the Word made flesh, confirmed
by
every avenue of communication between man and man—and first in order
by the hearing of that sweet yet awful teaching—point to the fourth
Gospel again and again. And the simple assertion—"that which we
have heard"—accounts for one characteristic of the fourth Gospel
which
would otherwise be a perplexing enigma—its dramatic vividness and
consistency. This dramatic truth of St. John’s narrative, manifested in various
developments, deserves careful consideration. There are three notes
in the fourth Gospel which indicate either a consummate dramatic
instinct or a most faithful record. (1) The delineation of individual characters. The Evangelist tells
us with no unmeaning distinction, that Jesus "knew all men, and knew
what is in" Joh 3:24,25. For some persons take an apparently
profound view of human nature in the abstract. They pass for being
sages so long as they confine themselves to sounding generalisations,
but they are convicted on the field of life and experience. They
claim to know what is in man; but they know it vaguely, as one might
be in possession of the outlines of a map, yet totally ignorant of
most places within its limits. Others, who mostly affect to be keen
men of the world, refrain from generalisations; but they have an
insight, which at times is startling, into the characters of the
individual men who cross their path. There is a sense in which they
superficially seem to know all men, but their knowledge after all is
capricious and limited. One class affects to know men, but does not
even affect to know man; the other class knows something about man,
but is lost in the infinite variety of the world of real men. Our
Lord knew both—both the abstract ultimate principles of human nature
and the subtle distinctions which mark off every human character
from every other. Of this peculiar knowledge he who was brought into
the most intimate communion with the Great Teacher was made in some
degree a partaker in the course of His earthly ministry. With how
few
touches, yet how clearly, are delineated the Baptist, Nathanael, the
Samaritan woman, the blind man, Philip, Thomas, Martha and Mary,
Pilate! (2) More particularly the appropriateness and consistency of the
language used by the various persons introduced in the narrative
are,
in the case of a writer like St. John, a multiplied proof of
historical veracity. For instance, of St. Thomas only one single
sentence, containing seven words, is preserved, outside the
memorable
narrative in the twentieth chapter; yet how unmistakably does that
brief sentence indicate the same character—tender, impetuous,
loving, yet ever inclined to take the darker view of things because
from the very excess of its affection it cannot believe in that
which
it most desires, and demands accumulated and convincing proof of its
own happiness. Further, the language of our Lord which St. John
preserves is both morally and intellectually a marvellous witness to
the proof of his assertion here in the outset of his Epistle. This may be exemplified by an illustration from modern literature.
Victor Hugo, in his "Legende des Siecles," has in one passage only
placed in our Lord’s lips a few words which are not found in the
Evangelist. Everyone will at once feel that these words ring hollow,
that there is in them something exaggerated and factitious—and that,
although the dramatist had the advantage of having a type of style
already constructed for him. People talk as if the representation in
detail of a perfect character were a comparatively easy performance.
Yet every such representation shows some flaw when closely
inspected.
For instance, a character in which Shakespeare so evidently
delighted
as Buckingham, whose end is so noble and martyr-like, is thus
described, when on his trial, by a sympathising witness: "‘How did he bear himself? ‘When he was
brought again to the bar, to hear His knell rung out,
his judgment—he was struck With such an agony, he sweat
extremely, And something spoke in choler, ill and
hasty; But he fell to himself again, and sweetly
In all the rest show’d a most noble patience.’" Our argument comes to this point. Here is one man of all but the
highest rank in dramatic genius, who utterly fails to invent even
one
sentence which could possibly be taken for an utterance of our Lord.
Here is another, the most transcendent in the same order whom the
human race has ever known, who tacitly confesses the impossibility
of
representing a character which shall be "one entire and perfect
chrysolite," without speck or flaw. Take yet another instance. Sir
Walter Scott appeals for "the fair license due to the author of a
fictitious composition"; and admits that he "cannot pretend to the
observation of complete accuracy even in outward costume, much less
in the more important points of language and manners." But St. John
was evidently a man of no such pretensions as these kings of the
human imagination—no Scott or Victor Hugo, much less a Shakespeare.
How then—except on the assumption of his being a faithful reporter,
of his recording words actually spoken, and witnessing to incidents
which he had seen with his very eyes and contemplated with loving
and
admiring reverence—can we account for his having given us long
successions of sentences, continuous discourses in which we trace a
certain unity and adaptation; and a character which stands alone
among all recorded in history or conceived in fiction, by presenting
to us an excellence faultless in every detail? We assert that the
one
answer to this question is boldly given us by St. John in the
forefront of his Epistle—"That which we have heard, which we have
seen with our eyes—concerning the Word who is the Life—declare we
unto you." St. John’s mode of writing history may profitably be contrasted with
that of one who in his own fine was a great master, as it has been
ably criticised by a distinguished statesman. Voltaire’s historical
masterpiece is a portion of the life of Maria Theresa, which is
unquestionably written from a partly ideological point of view; for
those who have patience to go back to the "sources," and to compare
Voltaire’s narrative with them, will see the process by which a
literary master has produced his effect. The writer works as if he
were composing a classical tragedy restricted to the unities of time
and place. The three days of the coronation and of the successive
votes are brought into one effect, of which we are made to feel that
it is due to a magic inspiration of Maria Theresa. Yet, as the great
historical critic to whom we refer proceeds to demonstrate, a
different charm, very much more real because it comes from truth,
may
be found in literal historical accuracy without this academic rouge.
Writers more conscientious than Voltaire would not have assumed that
Maria Theresa was degraded by a husband who was inferior to her.
They
would not have substituted some pretty and pretentious phrases for
the genuine emotion not quite veiled under the official Latin of the
Queen. "However high a thing art may be, reality, truth, which is
the work of God, is higher!" It is this conviction, this entire
intense adhesion to truth, this childlike ingenuousness which has
made St. John as a historian attain the higher region which is
usually reached by genius alone—which has given us narratives and
passages whose ideal beauty or awe is so transcendent or solemn,
whose pictorial grandeur or pathos is so inexhaustible, whose
philosophical depth is so unfathomable. He stands with spellbound delight before his work without the
disappointment which ever attends upon men of genius; because that
work is not drawn from himself, because he can say three words—which
we have "heard," which we have "seen" with our eyes, which we
have "gazed" upon.
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